ESRC seminar series
‘Close Friends’? Assessing the Impact of Greater Scottish Autonomy on the North
of England - Seminar 5: International lessons in cross-border cooperation
5th December 2014
University College London
Between regional spaces and spaces of
regionalism: cross-border region building in
the Spanish ‘State of the Autonomies’
Dr Juan-Manuel Trillo-Santamaría
juanmanuel.trillo@usc.es
Dr Claire Colomb
c.colomb@ucl.ac.uk
Outline
How are different scales of CBC mobilized by the various tiers
of government in the case-study areas and for what purpose?
How has CBC been mobilized by the actors of those CAs with
nationalist parties/movements?
1. Cross-border Regional spaces vs Cross-border Spaces of
regionalism
2. Cross-border cooperation in Spain
3. Three case studies: Basque Country / Catalonia / Galicia
4. Conclusions
(Cross-border)regions and (cross-border)
regionalism
• Regional spaces/spaces of regionalism (Jones,
MacLeod, 2004).
• Spaces of dependence/spaces of engagement (Cox,
1997)
• Spaces-in-itself/spaces-for-itself (Lipietz, 2003).
• Capacity building through:
– Development coalition (Keating)
– Institutional thickness (Amin, Thrift, 1994).,
– Hegemonic blocs (Lipietz, 2003).
Space-in-itself
Hegemonic bloc
Space of dependence
Development coalition
Space-for-itself
Focus primarily on economy
Regional Space
Institutional thickness
Space of engagement
Focus also in national, cultural,
political mobilization
Space of regionalism
Theoretical framework: building blocks of cross-border
regional institutionalisation
Economic and market
forces
Shared Territory
Cross-border region
Strategic, institutional and
governance building
Culture and identity
Sources: Brunet-Jailly, 2005, 2007; Lagendijk, 2007; Paasi, 1986, 1996; Perkmann, 2007.
Cross-border cooperation in the Spanish State
of the Autonomies
The settling of Spain’s borders (i)
• 1469: unification of Crowns of Aragon and Castile
• 1659-1660: establishment of the border between Spain and France by the
Treaty of the Pyrenees, later consolidated through the Treaties of Limits of
1856, 1862 and 1866
• Centralist construction of the French and Spanish states from the 18th
century onwards made the differences between both sides of the border
very marked - in transport infrastructure, education and health systems,
trade and architectural styles, legislation, symbology, language and
temporal rhythms (Oliveras González, 2013).
• Mid-1930s to 1980: cross-border cooperation halted by the authoritarian
Franco regime
The settling of Spain’s borders (ii)
• 1128: de facto independence of the county of Portugal (battle of São
Mamede)
• 1139: independence of Portugal accepted by the King of Galicia-León
(Treaty of Zamora, 1143)
• 1179: the pope recognised Portugal
• 1297: Treaty of Alcañices between Castille and Portugal
• 1864: Treaty of Limits
• 1906: General Act of Demarcation
• 1933-36/1974-75: Dictatorships in Spain and Portugal
The Spanish State of the Autonomies
• Spanish Constitution of 1978: ‘indivisible unity of the Spanish nation’ … +
right to self-government of the ‘nationalities and regions of Spain’
• To deal with a historical demand: Basque Country and Catalonia (to a
lesser extent, Galicia)
• A general demand for regional decentralization:
– Demand of poor regions to reduce the gap with the wealthiest ones
– Crisis of Spanish nationalism
– New political elites’ ambitions
• Two tracks to regional self-government (Estatutos)
• At present: a highly decentralized ‘State of Autonomies’: asymmetrical
devolution between central state and each Autonomous Community
• Only the Basque Country and Navarre have full fiscal autonomy.
The beginnings of CBC in the Iberian Peninsula
• First cross-border cooperation initiative in the Iberian Peninsula started in
the early 1980s: Working Community of the Pyrenees
• 1986: Entry in the EEC
• 1995: Bayonne Treaty / 2002 Valencia Treaty (“non-central” tiers of
government can participate in CBC)
• Revised statutes of the Spanish Autonomous Communities (2000s)
explicitly enshrine the regional governments’ right to carry out policies of
cross-border cooperation + “External Action Plans”
• Fast increase in CBC initiatives of various kinds at the Spanish borders:
– 2 INTERREG A programmes
– Euroregions and Working Communities
– cross-border EGTCs (European Groupings for Territorial Cooperation)
more recently
Cross-border cooperation in the Spanish state
of the Autonomies
Border France-Spain
Source: Cross-border cooperation
Program Spain-France, 2007/2013
Border Portugal-Spain
Source: Cross-border cooperation
Program Spain-Portugal, 2007/2013
EGTC in the Iberian Peninsula
Source: Ministerio de Hacienda y Administraciones Públicas, 2014
Regions in Spain with autonomist and/or separatist movements
Electoral support to nationalist parties (based
on regional elections 2009-2011)
The Europe of the Peoples
Source: Europe Free Alliance
Source: www.eurominority.org
The Basque Country
País Vasco and Euskal Herria
Source: http://www.udalbide.net/
Source: García-Álvarez & Trillo-Santamaria, 2013
Ibarretxe Plan (2005): Euskal Herria and crossborder cooperation.
– “The Basque People or Euskal Herria is a People with
its own identity within the community of European
peoples, repository of a singular historical, social and
cultural heritage, distributed geographically in seven
Territories, currently articulated in three different
legal-political regions, and located in two different
States”. Preamble
Art 7: Relationship with Basque
territories of Iparralde: make use of
“the potential offered by current or
future regulations on cross-border
co-operation in order to strengthen
the special historical, social and
cultural
ties
between
the
Community of the Basque Country
and the Basque Territories &
Communities located within the
French State”
Art. 66.2: The Autonomous Community of
Euskadi will give impulse to the creation of
a euroregion in the framework of the EU
which comprises all the historical territories
which constitute Euskal Herria and, if
possible, other neighbouring regions with
which which it maintains historical, social,
economic and cultural links of singular
importance.”
Basque Government Program 2012-2016
«A self-government system which allows the
development of a Basque community with its own
identity, plural and open to the world, which also
includes the institutionalisation of relations with
Nafarroa and Iparralde - if so desired by the citizens –
on the basis of the Euskara territory, the shared
cultural territory that positions the Basque
community in the world. The new Euroregion in the
EU, Euskadi, [a] nation in Europe.»
Electoral Program EH Bildu (2012)
“En esta Europa de los pueblos que perseguimos, las fronteras
impuestas por los Estados han de perder su función de divisoria
entre ciudadanos que comparten un mismo pueblo. Por eso, EH
Bildu desarrollará la cooperación interregional y, de forma
prioritaria, la cooperación transfronteriza, con vistas a reforzar los
vínculos históricos, sociales, culturales y económicos con los
demás territorios de Euskal Herria, avanzando así en la
construcción nacional”
In this «Europe of the people» that we pursue, the borders imposed by the
states have to loose their divisive function between citizens that belong to
the same people. That is the reason why EH Bildu will develop
interregional cooperation and, mainly, cross-border cooperation, in order
to reinforce historical, social, cultural and economic links with the other
territories belonging to Euskal Herria, thereby advancing the process of
national construction
“No queremos la creación de ningún órgano
institucional común, o la constitución de una
'eurorregión vasca' a un lado y otro de Pirineos
que sólo quiere dar satisfacción a la territorialidad,
es decir, la anexión de Navarra”
We do not want the creation of a common
institutional body, nor the constitution of a ‘Basque
Euroregion’ on one side and the other of the
Pyrenees which only seeks satisfy a territorial
imperative, that means, the annexion of Navarre
Mariano Rajoy, Spanish Prime Minister, electoral mitin, El Mundo, 18/05/2011.
“[El lehendakari Urkullu] Pretende un marco institucional unitario de Navarra con Euskadi y con Aquitania,
y él mismo dice que para potenciar y para lograr ese marco institucional unitario hay que potenciar esta
Eurorregión […] Esta Eurorregión forma parte de lo que él considera que puede ayudar a lograr el
objetivo de esa Euskal Herria que quiere el PNV. Pues es obvio que en UPN, como usted bien dice,
queremos Navarra como realidad institucional con nuestros fueros, con nuestro Amejoramiento, integrada
en la nación española, porque forma parte de ella por derecho propio, y no queremos esa Euskal Herria
que ustedes también legítimamente con claridad dicen […] Nosotros, como Unión del Pueblo Navarro, no
vamos a colaborar en ninguna cuestión que aparentemente sea inocua y que pueda llevar a cambiar la
realidad institucional e histórica de Navarra, este Viejo Reyno milenario que desde UPN defendemos con
pasión”
[The lehendakari Urkullu] seeks a unitary institutional framework between Navarre, Euskadi and
Aquitaine and for that he wants to strenghen the Euroregion… This Euroregion is helpful for him in order
to achieve their idea of Euskal Herria. So, it is obvious that we want Navarra with our ‘fueros’ and
institutions, integrated in the Spanish nation, because it is part of it as of right, and we do not want this
Euskal Herria that he wants… We, as the UPN, are not going to take part in any initiative which is
apparently inocuous, but that may lead to change the institutional and historial reality of Navarre, this old
millenary Kingdom which we defend.
Yolanda Barcina, president of Navarra, Diario de Sesiones del Parlamento Navarro,
VIII Legislatura, nº 27, 24/04/2013, p. 17-18.
Catalonia
The rise of trans-boundary cooperation
• From 1980s onwards: Catalan regional and local governmental actors (+
universities; chambers of commerce, industry and agriculture; or
professional bodies) proactively engaging in different types of transboundary cooperation initiatives
• A complex layering of different scales and forms of trans-boundary
cooperation has emerged:
– ‘Micro’ cross-border cooperation (i.e. covering a 50-100 km wide strip
alongside the border) between the municipalities and intermediate
levels of government on both sides of the Franco-Spanish border:
Cerdanya area (mountainous plateau); coastal cross-border area
around Perpignan and Figueres (more-bottom up, locally-led approach
to cooperation)
– ‘Euroregional’ cooperation (more top-down, regionally-led approach)
• Often a disconnection between the two scales as they are led by different
actors
Comunitat de Treball dels Pirineus
(Working Community of the Pyrenees)
• Created in 1983:
– Spanish Autonomous Communities: Basque Country, Aragon, Navarra,
Catalonia
– French regions: Aquitaine, Languedoc Roussillon, Midi-Pyrenees
– Principality of Andorra (since 2007)
• 1993-2005: association under French law ( without legal personality) on
the basis of an Agreement Protocol (limited funding and weak status)
• 2005: consortium under Spanish law (with legal personality) which has
allowed it to manage EU funds by becoming the Managing Authority for
the France-Spain-Andorra Cross-border Cooperation Operational
Programme (POCTEFA) since 2007.
• 2007-2013: 168 million EUR of ERDF which co-funded 260 projects
Cross-border cooperation alongside the
Pyrenees: Cerdanya
Cross-border cooperation alongside the
Pyrenees: Cerdanya
• Focus:
– resolution of border conflicts with regard to the management of
natural resources; joint management of risks (e.g. forest fires)
– support to economic development and production sectors (such as
agriculture);
– formation of a critical mass of population to attract supra-municipal
services or infrastructure.
• Practical considerations sometimes accompanied by a discourse on
cultural unity and Catalan identity. Two spaces:
– a discursive space of ideal geographical, economic and cultural unity –
covering the whole of Cerdanya – in which leadership is exercised by
Lower Cerdanya agents
– a smaller functional space where most of the concrete projects are
implemented, limited to border villages – in which Upper Cerdanya
agents play a more prominent role (Oliveras González, 2013)
Examples of projects
• Very small-scale initiatives (twinning, consortia, agreements) between two
towns across the Franco-Catalan border (Cap de Creus-Cap de Sant Vicenç,
Albera Viva, Salines-Bassegoda, Puigcerdà-Bourg Madame...)
• Bilateral consortia or arrangements create by national and/or regional
governments of the two countries for the construction and operation of
cross-border infrastructure, e.g. railways (e.g. high-speed line), rail and
road tunnels (Perthus, Bielsa)
• 1990s: construction of water treatment plants serving several towns
across the border + launch in 2004 of a cross-border contrat de rivière
involving the joint management of the Segre river by the two groupings of
municipalities of each side of the border
• (Ongoing) construction of a new single cross-border slaughterhouse to
replace the previous, outdated facilities which existed on both side of the
border.
Examples of projects
• The flagship project of Franco-Catalan cross-border cooperation: the
cross-border Hospital of Cerdanya, opened in September 2014 with 180
staff, in Puigcerdà (Spain), 1 km from the French border.
• The first hospital in the EU to provide care for populations on both sides of
a national border, covering 53 municipalities on a mountainous plateau of
1,300 km2 suffering from accessibility problems.
• Caters for a permanent population of 32,000 (which can quadruple during
the winter and summer holidays).
• 60% of total construction costs of 31 million EUR funded by ERDF; rest
split between Catalan regional government and French national
government (60% and 40%).
• Highly complex project: asymetry of competences, legal issues (EGTC),
harmonization of various issues (big and small)
• Integration of specialized health services in the area
Eurodistrict Catalan Cross-border Space
Eurodistrict Catalan Cross-border Space
• A territory covering 453 municipalities, just over 1 million inhabitants and
10,000 km2 (French département of Pyrénées Orientales + Girona
Province + 6 adjoining municipalities)
• Intense cross-border flows for shopping, leisure and tourism (but not so
much for employment). Includes the main motorway link between France
and Catalonia + newly open high-speed train line Paris-Barcelona (+
Toulouse-Barcelona)
• 2009: creation of an EGTC aiming at supporting the development of a
cross-border employment, activity and residential area through concrete
actions in the field of economy, services, transport and communications,
tourism, education, culture and environment. Calls for proposals through
common fund for cross-border projects funded by the Conseil Général et
la Generalitat de Catalunya.
• Willingness to go beyond ad hoc projects to develop a joint cross-border
spatial planning and sustainable development strategy. No evidence yet of
a formalized strategy.
Euroregió Pireneus-Mediterrània
(Euroregion Pyrenees-Mediterranean)
• Catalonia (SP), Balearic Islands (SP), Languedoc Roussillon (FR), Midi
Pyrénées (FR) [Aragon (SP) suspended its participation in May 2006]
• 2009: creation of a EGTC with legal personality, which allows the EPM to
manage funds and calls for project proposals (small budget from
contributions from the member regions and some EU funding on a project
basis)
• Technical team with EGCT director in Toulouse, EPM Secretariat in
Barcelona, one representative in Brussels + technical staff
• Successfully built on pre-existing functional networks and initiatives
already in place between key actors on both sides of the border:
universities, 40 chambers of commerce, trade unions, ports, professional
associations (tourism industry, farmers) or cultural institutions
• Active in supporting projects and networks in the fields of culture (Perrin,
2012, 2013), higher education, sustainable development and economic
development + own projects with INTERREG funding
Euroregió Pireneus-Mediterrània
Challenges and difficulties
• Asymmetry of competences between French regions and départements
and Spanish Autonomous Communities
• Changes in political leadership
• Missing actors?
– some of the key actors necessary to reach its objectives are not
involved, or even defiant towards its agenda (cities, national
governments – see rail infrastructure)
– Regional governments: led by European Affairs departments / limited
involvement of other sectorial departments
– Civil society organizations (except some cultural associations) and
private companies not sufficiently engaged
– The mental maps of the inhabitants of the participating regions may
not match the grand narratives of enthusiastic officials and politicians,
as the news channelled by the national and regional media tend to
ignore what is happening across the border.
Mobilization of ‘Europe’ by Catalan
governments
• EU-focused ‘para-diplomacy’
• Conservative-nationalist Catalan regional governments (1980-2003) and
‘bourgeois regionalism’ based on the promotion of a territorial economic
interest in partnership with the local business elite Keating (1998, 2001)
• Main Catalan political parties have ‘Europeanized’ their discourse, viewing
Europe both as an alternative institutional channel to promote their
objectives and as an example to follow of socio-economic and political
modernization (Giordano and Roller, 2002).
• Prytherch (2009): in the Catalan-speaking Mediterranean littoral, cultural
regionalism/nationalism and economic macroregionalism have
intersected.
• Coincidence between the ‘new’ politics of economic, trans-boundary
Euroregionalism and the ‘old’ politics of cultural regionalism and
nationalism (i.e. Catalanism).
Nationalist claims and the ‘symbolic use’ of
trans-boundary cooperation
• Catalanists ‘discursively shifted the subject from Catalan nation building to
Mediterranean economic integration’ (p. 139), reframing cultural
community in the less controversial terms of economic competitiveness
and interconnectedness through the ‘New Regionalist’ politics of the
economic macroregion or Euroregion.
• Para-diplomacy of the Generalitat de Catalunya over the past twenty years
has had a cultural dimension particularly targeted at the French part of
Catalonia (referred to as North Catalonia) through cooperation aimed at
promoting the Catalan language and culture (Castex-Ey, 2014) in a ‘panCatalan imaginary’.
• Catalonia: mobilization of a ‘cross-border space of regionalist engagement’
by regional governments that include regionalist or nationalist parties.
• Opposition in the adjacent Autonomous Communities governed by parties
of other political leanings (Comunidad Valenciana)
Recent developments (i)
• 2003-2010 coalition between Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican
Left of Catalonia (ERC), the Green-Left (ICV) maintained the pro-European
discourse and agenda of previous governments, in particular through the
revival of the Euroregion
• Lobbied national governments and the EU for infrastructural investment –
specifically passenger and freight rail links – to connect the metropolitan
areas of the Mediterranean Axis (Algeciras, Murcia, Valencia, Barcelona,
Perpignan, Montpellier, Marseille)
• The political economy of large-scale infrastructure investments has played
an increasingly contentious role: ‘radial State’ marked by the long-standing
historical convergence of all major transport networks towards Madrid
(Bel, 2010).
• Post-2008: recession led to significant cuts in public expenditure at all
levels of government – negatively affected political willingness and
financial capacity of local and regional actors to participate in transboundary cooperation initiatives.
43
Galicia
The Galicia-North of Portugal Euroregion
About 50,000
km2 (29,574 km2
in Galicia and
21,288 km2 in
North Region),
and an
estimated
population of 6.5
million
inhabitants
(almost 3.8
million in North
Region and 2.8
in Galicia).
EGTC-GNP: a “natural” agreement
“Today we are taking a historical step, because Galicia
and North of Portugal state that we are able to bring
together what joins us (…): our historical, cultural,
linguistic and also landscape roots in order to promote a
culture of cooperation that seeks to benefit at a
maximum from the potentialities that the EU offers to
us”.
E. P. Touriño, President of the Galician Region, VIII
Plenary Meeting of the Working Community GaliciaNorth of Portugal, signature of the EGCC, 22/09/08
Xunta and its willingness to cooperate with
North of Portugal
• Strategies for External Action (2007):
– Strengthening of the “country-brand” Galicia.
– Reinforcement of galeguidade
– Special attention EU, Territorial cooperation and crossborder cooperation: Working Community Galicia-North of
Portugal, relations Galicia-Portugal, Lusophony.
• Galician Spatial Planning Guidelines (2008): Strengthening the
Euroregion Galicia-North of Portugal as a development axis in
the North-Eastern Peninsula.
The memory of Gallaecia
Source: Basic Atlas of the Atlantic
Axis, 2007
A history, a geography and an Atlas for the
Euroregion
Territorial marketing for the Euroregion
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A+! ) #S , 4 4 +
5 ! 3;P6 +#A/ ) D#M, 3+:, #W:@, 3+J
X/ Y! #I Q#MYJP6 +J#? , /
Source: Atlas do Eixo Atlántico e
Euro-rexión Galiza e Norte de
Portugal, 2007.
Activities
▶ Sports:
•
•
•
•
Atlantic Axis Games (next edition in 2009 will be the 8th)
Regate of the Atlantic Axis, 10 editions
Handball, june, 1st edition
Beach Volley, july, 1sr edition
▶ Culture:
•
•
•
•
Painting Bienale, 8th edition 2008-2009
Narrative Award
Theatre Festival
Film Festival
Galicia and North of Portugal
▶ Overlapping territorial systems:
– Spain: semi-federal State, Autonomous Regions
(legislative, executive and judicial powers)
– Portugal: centralistic State, 5 Deconcentrated Regions, and
two Autonomous Regions (Açores, Madeira).
▶ Overlapping cross-border discourses. The Euroregion as:
• A cross-border space of regionalism, for Galician actors.
• A cross-border regional space, for North Region actors (but
possible counterpart mirror for space of regionalism?).
Some conclusions
Some conclusions (on CBC)
• Various forms and scales of trans-boundary cooperation mobilized by local
and regional governmental actors in the 3 CAs for various purposes:
pragmatic considerations (access to EU funding; genuine need to
cooperate with others to tackle pressing policy issues) + political, symbolic
and cultural ones.
• In spite of recent processes of institutionalisation through the creation of
EGCTs, existing trans-boundary projects and initiatives have not, to date,
been anchored in broader cross-border or Euroregional territorial
development plans or a rescaling of spatial planning strategies.
• In Spain, CBC is instrumental in the debates about the territorial model
and the dialectic between Spanish national and other national/regional
identities.
Some conclusions (on CBC in regional studies)
• CBC should be inserted deeper in the Regional Studies debates, because it
represents a space where overlapping layers of actors, discourses,
territorial, political and administrative levels get in contact (the border as a
liminal space/place to (re)-rethink the region?).
• Cross-Border Regions should be analyzed from the very different points of
view of the actors involved:
– At various levels: European, national, regional, local
– At a regional/local one: one, two, more overlapping cross-border
regional spaces/spaces of regionalism?
– New bounded spaces in a Europe without borders?
• CBC is not a neutral debate: clear demarcations between ‘functional
region’ and ‘ideological region’ or ‘regional spaces’ and ‘spaces of
regionalism’ or even ‘old’ and ‘new’ regionalism do not exist.
Some references in English
•
•
•
•
•
•
Colomb, C., Morata, F. and Durà Guimerà, A. (forthcoming), ‘Multi-level geographies of transboundary cooperation, territorial development and Europeanisation in South-West Europe.
The case of Catalonia’, in I. Deas and S. Hinks (eds) Territorial policy and governance:
alternative paths. London: Routledge.
Durà Guimerà, A. and Oliveras González, X. (2013) ‘A Typology of Agents and Subjects of
Regional Cooperation: The experience of the Mediterranean Arc’, in N. Bellini and U. Hilpert
(eds) Europe's Changing Geography: the Impact of Inter-regional Networks. London:
Routledge, pp. 101-123.
Harguindéguy, J. B. (2007b) ‘Cross-border Policy in Europe: Implementing INTERREG III-A,
France–Spain’, Regional and Federal Studies, 17(3): 317-334.
Harguindéguy, J. B. and Bray, Z. (2009) ‘Does cross-border co-operation empower European
regions? The case of INTERREG III-A France-Spain, Environment and Planning C: Government
and Policy, 27(4): 747-760.
García-Álvarez, J. and Trillo-Santamaría, J.-M. (2013) ‘Between Regional Spaces and Spaces of
Regionalism: Cross-border Region Building in the Spanish ‘State of the Autonomies’’, Regional
Studies, 47(1): 104-115.
Morata, F. (2010) ‘Europeanization and the Spanish Territorial State’, in R. Scully and R. Wyn
Jones (eds.) Europe, Regions and European Regionalism. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.
134-154.
Some references in English
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Morata F. and Noferini, A. (2013) ‘The Pyrenees-Mediterranean Euroregion: functional
networks, actor perceptions and expectations’, in N. Bellini and U. Hilpert (eds) Europe's
Changing Geography: the Impact of Inter-regional Networks. London: Routledge, pp. 171190.
Perkmann, M. (2002) ‘Euroregions. Institutional Entrepreneurship in the European Union’, in
M. Perkmann and N.-L. Sum (eds) Globalization, Regionalization and Cross-border Regions.
Houndmills: Palgrave, pp. 103–24.
Perkmann, M. (2003) ‘Cross-border regions in Europe - Significance and drivers of regional
cross-border co-operation’, European Urban and Regional Studies, 10(2): 153-171.
Perkmann, M. (2007a) ‘Construction of new territorial scales: A framework and case study of
the EUREGIO cross-border region’, Regional Studies, 41(2): 253-266.
Perkmann, M. (2007b) ‘Policy entrepreneurship and multilevel governance: a comparative
study of European cross-border regions’, Environment and Planning C, 25: 861-879.
Perrin, T. (2012) ‘Regionalism and cultural policies. Distinctive and distinguishing strategies’,
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 20(4): 459 - 475.
Prytherch, D. (2009) ‘New Euroregional territories, old catalanist dreams? Culture and
economy in the discursive construction of the Mediterranean Arc’, European Urban and
Regional Studies, 16(2): 131-145.
Trillo-Santamaría, J.-M. (2014) ‘Cross-border regions: the gap between the elite's projects
and people’s awareness. Reflections from the Galicia-North Portugal Euroregion’, Journal of
Borderland Studies, 29(2): 257-273.