ABSTRACT
SKETCH OF CHALON PHONOLOGY
The purpose of this work is to provide a sketch of Chalon phonology. A
complete phonemic inventory of the language is provided in the text along with
detailed analyses of the phonology, including syllable structure and the stress
pattern seen in Chalon. This work also examines complementary distribution of
[h] and [x], as well as examining allophonic variations of /h/.
Nicole DerSimonian
May 2015
SKETCH OF CHALON PHONOLOGY
by
Nicole DerSimonian
A thesis
submitted in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts in Linguistics
in the College of Arts and Humanities
California State University, Fresno
May 2015
APPROVED
For the Department of Linguistics:
We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student
meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the
university and the student's graduate degree program for the
awarding of the master's degree.
Nicole DerSimonian
Thesis Author
Chris Golston (Chair)
Linguistics
Sean Fulop
Linguistics
Brian Agbayani
Linguistics
For the University Graduate Committee:
Dean, Division of Graduate Studies
AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION
OF MASTER’S THESIS
X
I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in
its entirety without further authorization from me, on the
condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction
absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of
authorship.
Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must
be obtained from me.
Signature of thesis author:
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Much thanks goes to my thesis advisor, Chris Golston, for his guidance and
insight throughout this process, and also for providing the idea of complementary
distribution in Chalon. I would also like to thank Sean Fulop and Brian Agbayani
for being a part of my thesis committee and for the help and support they have
provided me.
My endless gratitude goes to my family and friends for their support and
encouragement throughout my academic career.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................. vi
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................ vii
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................ 1
CHAPTER 2: SKETCH OF CHALON PHONOLOGY ......................................... 2
Consonants ........................................................................................................ 2
Vowels............................................................................................................... 7
Syllable Structure .............................................................................................. 9
Stress .............................................................................................................. 12
CHAPTER 3: COMPLEMENTARY DISTRIBUTION OF [h] AND [x] ............ 18
Allophonic Variation of /h/ ............................................................................. 22
CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION ............................................................................... 24
REFERENCES ....................................................................................................... 25
APPENDICES ........................................................................................................ 27
APPENDIX A: GEMINATES ............................................................................... 28
APPENDIX B: DIPHTHONGS ............................................................................. 33
APPENDIX C: LONG VOWELS .......................................................................... 36
APPENDIX D: STRESSED WORDS ................................................................... 38
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 1 Consonant Chart of Chalon ....................................................................... 2
Table 2 Vowels of Chalon ....................................................................................... 7
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 1. Data from Pinart (1952) illustrating the number of occurrences of h
and x in onset and coda. .......................................................................... 21
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Chalon is a Costanoan language that is part of the Utian language family in
California. The oldest text was written between 1829-1835 by father Vicente
Sarria of Mission Soledad, and included the catechism, the act of contrition and
the sign of the cross (Shaul, 2008). Chalon is one of seven dialects of Costanoan,
which is divided into Northern and Southern Costanoan (Kroeber, 1910). Chalon
belongs to the Southern group, which also includes Mutsun (Monterey) and
Rumsen (San Juan Bautista).
Chalon no longer being a spoken language poses some challenges when
examining the language. Because there are limited resources available, the two
main works that are used are Henshaw (1955) and Pinart (1952), which provide
the vocabularies for the data presented in this work. Neither of these works include
phonologic information on Chalon. Shaul (2008) provides a text and glossary of
Chalon but also excludes phonologic analyses of the language and does not
recognize complementary distribution of [h] and [x].
The purpose of this thesis is to provide a sketch of the phonology of
Chalon. The sections in chapter 2 show the consonant and vowel charts of Chalon,
as well as examining specific phonemes seen in the language. There are also
sections describing the syllable structure of Chalon, and an analysis of the stress
system. Chapter 3 discusses complementary distribution of [h] and [x], and
demonstrate how they are allophones of the same phoneme.
CHAPTER 2: SKETCH OF CHALON PHONOLOGY
Consonants
There have been no formal consonant or vowel charts constructed to show a
complete phonemic inventory for Chalon. Based on information gathered from
Henshaw (1955) and Pinart (1952), the consonants of Chalon are those in Table1.
The symbols used in this thesis follow the American Phonetic Alphabet.
Table 1
Consonant Chart of Chalon
m
n
s
ts
r
l
v
w
GLOTTAL
NASAL
FRICATIVE
AFFRICATE
APPROXIMANT
LATERALAPPROXIMANT
VELAR
t
PALATAL
p
POSTALVOELAR
ALVEOLAR
LABIODENTAL
BILABIAL
STOP
k
š
č
h
y
Chalon contrasts seven places of articulation with six manners of
articulation. There are some phonemes that appear in the text but may not be in the
phonemic inventory of Chalon. The phonemes /b,d,ɡ/, seen in (1), are not listed in
the consonant chart because there are few examples observed in the texts.
(1)
/b/
hu.ba.ti
‘tide’
no͜ʊ.se.bɪt
‘breath’
3
/d/
si.de
‘liver’
i.dek
‘arrowhead of stone’
šʊ.duk
‘dung’
/g/
ta.ɡaː
‘brother’ (older)
Because these consonants occur so infrequently in the text and only show
up in Henshaw, they might be allophones of /p,t,k/, allowing Chalon to have both
aspirated and unaspirated stops. Henshaw transcribed voiced stops as in (1), but
these could be the unaspirated stops /p̚,t̚,k̚/. There are also examples in the text
where /h/ occurs after a voiceless stop consonant, which could also be an
indication of aspiration of voiceless stops, seen in (2). The words in the left
column demonstrate the way they were transcribed in Henshaw, while the column
on the right shows how the words would be transcribed with aspiration on the
stops /p, t/. Two of the words from the original transcriptions show /p, t/ appearing
in the coda. Analysis of stops in the following section describes how voiceless
stops /p, t/ prefer to be in the onset in Chalon. If aspiration is really occurring on
the voiceless stops, then the syllable onset will be moved from /h/, as seen on the
left, to /p/ and /t/ as shown on the right, and supports the idea that these two stops
occur in the onset.
(2)
mu.we.at.ha.wa.tis
sep.hek
pʊ.ka-ha͜i.ɛt.tha
mu.we.a.tʰa.wa.tis ‘old bachelor’
se.pʰɛk
‘chin’
pʊ.ka-ha͜i.ɛt. tʰa
‘right elbow’
4
Another good indication that /b,d,g/ do not belong in the phonemic
inventory of Chalon comes from Mutsun, Chalon’s sister language. There are no
voiced stop consonants listed in the phonetic inventory provided by Okrand (1977,
12).
Stops
All stops in Chalon can be geminated, and can be seen in example (3) in the
following section. The voiceless stops /p, t, k/ are observed most often occurring
in the onsets of syllables. Voiceless bilabial stop /p/ occurs in the onset 72 times in
the data, while it appears in the coda 19 times, 16 of which are geminates. The
environments where /p/ occurs in the coda is when /p/ is geminated as in /sɛp.pos/,
the word for ‘arrow feathers’. Another example is when /p/ occurs in the coda
where the onset of the following syllable is /h/, as previously mentioned. Voiceless
alveolar stop /t/ occurs in the onset 147 times, and 35 times in the coda, 12 of
which are geminates. Distribution of voiceless velar stop /k/ occurs very evenly in
onsets and codas. In the coda, /k/ does not occur following low back vowels.
Nasals
Both nasal consonants /m/ and /n/ can be geminated in Chalon.
Alveolar nasal /n/ appears in both onsets and codas of syllables, and occurs in the
environment of all vowels. Bilabial nasal /m/ is more frequently in the onset,
occurring 94 times. In the coda it appears 15 times, and does not seem to occur
following /ɪ/.
5
Fricatives
There are only two examples of voiced fricative /v/ occurring in the text,
seen below. The word ša.va.yo ‘horse’ is borrowed from the Spanish word,
caballo.
ša.va.yo
‘horse’
su.vik
‘lamprey’
It is unclear whether this sound exists in the consonant inventory of Chalon,
but it remains on the chart because of the examples seen in the text. Most
examples of voiceless glottal fricative /h/ are observed in the onset and appear to
be in complementary distribution with /x/. The voiceless velar fricative /x/ only
appears in Pinart’s text. Although it does not appear on the consonant chart, it is
still used as an allophone of [h], and will be further explained in chapter 3.
Voiceless alveolar /s/ can be geminated. It is observed more in the coda, and
occurs in the environment of all the vowels. In the coda, voiceless post-alvoelar
fricative/š/ is observed preceding lax vowels, /ɪ, ʊ/. The two phonemes /s/and /š/
contrast in the coda, as in /ti.wis/ ‘badger’ and /ti.wiš/ ‘flower’
Affricates
Chalon only has voiceless affricates in the inventory; there are no
contrasting voiced affricates. The voiceless affricates /č/ occurs mostly in the
onset. The only instances it is observed in the coda are after high back vowels /u,
ʊ/. Voiceless alveolar /ts/ is only observed in the onset.
Approximants
Bilabial approximant /w/ only occurs in the onset. In most instances,
alveolar approximant /r/ occurs in the onset. When it occurs in the coda, it is
always observed either following back vowels /o, ʊ/, or in complex clusters along
6
with /č, k, h/. Palatal approximant /y/ only occurs in the onset, and can occur in the
environment of all the vowels. Neither approximants /w/ or /y/ are observed in
geminates.
Lateral-Approximant
Alveolar lateral-approximant /l/ is observed in both onsets and codas, and
seems to occur in the environment of all the vowels. It is also geminated in some
words in the texts.
Geminates
Geminates also appear in the texts in both Pinart and Henshaw, as in (3).
There are two parenthesized examples that show geminates occurring word
finally, heːšš and pa.sall. Because there are only two instances of this occurring in
Pinart and since there are no word final geminates in Henshaw, they could have
been incorrectly transcribed. The consonants that are shown to geminate are /p, k,
t, n, m, s, š, č, ts, r, l/. See Appendix A for a complete list of geminates from the
texts.
(3) Geminates
hap.pa
‘your father’
mak.ku
‘husband’
pit.ti
‘belly’
šin.ni.ki.niš
‘boy’
him.ma
‘door’
las.sex
‘tongue’
noš.šo
‘stomach’
(heːšš)
‘squirrel’
7
hʊč.čal
‘hip’
sats.tsɪ.ran
‘raccoon’
mar.rah’
‘fur’
tal.le
‘sister’
(pa.sall)
‘blackbird’
Vowels
The vowels of Chalon are listed in Table 2. There are five vowels present
on the chart, representing the vowels transcribed by Pinart. Henshaw uses the
vowels shown in the chart, but also includes four additional vowels in
transcriptions: ɪ, ɛ, ʊ, ɔ.
Table 2
Vowels of Chalon
FRONT
CLOSE i
CENTRAL
BACK
u
e
o
MID
OPEN
a
The inconsistency among vowels in the data could suggest that vowels are either
contrastive, or may be allophones. However, there are very few examples in the
text that demonstrate a contrast between tense and lax vowels.
(4)
ik.ap.pa
‘my father’
ɪk.ap.pa
‘my father’s father’
kuk.sɪ
‘mud’
8
kʊk.sɪ
‘dust’
The data from Henshaw contain more evidence to support that the tense and
lax vowels may be allophones. The environments in which they occur show that
/i,e,u/ appear more in open syllables, while [ɪ,ɛ,ʊ] appear more often in closed
syllables. A similar rule also applies to English vowels, where lax vowels occur in
closed syllables, while tense vowels can occur in both open and closed syllables.
Kroeber (1910) has mentioned that Costanoan languages use five vowels, and
these are consistent with the vowels present on the vowel chart for Chalon.
Diphthongs
There are also diphthongs present in Chalon. The examples in (5) show
words containing the diphthongs seen in Henshaw. The three diphthongs observed
from this data are a͜i, o͜ʊ, and o͜i. Appendix B provides an exhaustive list of all
diphthongs that occur in both texts.
(5) Henshaw’s diphthongs
ta͜i.yʊs
‘arrow’
wɪ.ko͜i
‘yesterday’
ko͜ʊ.ro͜ʊ
‘leg’
The number of words containing diphthongs in Pinart is much smaller. The
observed diphthongs among this data are a͜i and o͜i, with the exception of a͜o, which
appears in one word.
(6) Pinart’s diphthongs
sa͜i.yan
‘heel’
9
ho͜ip.piš
‘rattlesnake’
(ča͜o.ra)
‘sit down’
Long Vowels
Henshaw did not record long vowels for Chalon, so no examples are
provided for that set of data. However, Pinart did transcribe long vowels and are
seen below. All five vowels may be lengthened. See Appendix C for all long
vowels from the texts.
(7) Long vowels Pinart
siː
‘water’
meː.lox
‘cactus flower’
paː.ya
‘leg’
uː.miš
‘owl’
roː.koš
‘tule’
There are also some words seen in the text that contrast long and short vowels.
Examples such as 8 provide some indication of long vowels occurring in Chalon.
(8)
či.ri
‘horn’
či.riː
‘niece’
Syllable Structure
Words in Chalon can be monosyllabic, as in /hus/ ‘nose’, or polysyllabic, as
in /mu.re.wa/ ‘morning’. According to Henshaw’s data, polysyllabic words may
contain up to six syllables, while Pinart’s maximum syllable word contains five
syllables. The syllable structure of Chalon differs slightly between the two texts,
but is relatively similar. In both Pinart and Henshaw, syllables may contain null
10
onsets and null codas. Both texts also show that the syllable nucleus may contain
one vowel or a diphthong, while only Pinart’s marks vowel length, as seen
previously. The significant difference between the two sets of data is in the
complexity of the onset and coda, and what is permissible in those domains.
Examples 9-12 show all possible complex onsets and codas from both texts.
(9) Pinart complex onsets
hn
hnu.šu.ku
‘pipe’
tx
kat.txaš
‘deaf’
px
kap.pxan
‘three’
kr
a.kri.nen.niš
‘to be thirsty’
(10) Pinart complex codas
rx
merx.še
‘grandmother’
šx
o.rešx
‘bear’
hk
u.čihk.matumn
‘twenty’
mn
u.čihk.ma.tumn
‘twenty’
ršx
ku.muš.taršx
‘I am tired’
rh
tut.perh
‘eyelashes’
nh
ša.me.šanh
‘armpit’
(11) Henshaw complex onsets
kw
ek.kwe
‘bare’
tr
tram.pa
‘rabbit trap’
pl
ik.pu.plai
‘my son’s son’
pr
ta.pri
‘sky’
yr
yra͜i.i.ko.ro͜ʊ
‘ankle’
11
(12) Henshaw complex codas
rh
wur.urh.pa.tak.tis
‘scalp’
rk
wark.san
‘winnowing basket’
kč
u.tʊkč
‘seven’
The complex onsets and codas seen in Chalon follow the sonority
sequencing principle, where more sonorous sounds are nearer to the nucleus, while
less sonorous sounds are at the edges of the syllable.
Examples 13-14 demonstrate the syllable structure seen in Chalon. Onsets
can be null, or have one or two consonants. The nucleus may consist of a vowel,
diphthong or a long vowel. Codas can also be complex, containing one or two
consonants.
(13) Chalon monosyllable
h
s
a͜i
iː
‘mouth’
‘water’
s
iː
t
‘teeth’
k
h
o͜ʊ
u
k
s
‘tail’
‘nose’
12
(14) Chalon polysyllable
č
y
tr
h
h
a
n
ei
‘morning ‘star’
uː
i
i
u
a
u
o͜ʊ
w
p
r
r
p
m
k
e
i
i
e
a
u
ʊ
‘to drink’
‘rattlesnake’
‘niece’
‘hare’
‘rabbit trap’
‘wolf’
‘throat’
p
m
m
r
x
šx
x
s
Stress
The few texts available on Chalon do not include detailed analyses of the
stress pattern. The work of Henshaw is the only one that exhibits any information
regarding stress. In his work, Henshaw marked stress mostly on single words.
While some stress is recorded on phrasal level, examples are sparse. Of the 380
words in Henshaw’s text of Chalon, 56% are marked with stress. A list of all the
stressed words that appear in the text can be observed in Appendix D.
Mutsun and Rumsen Stress
The related languages Mutsun and Rumsen provide valuable information
regarding stress. Both have been noted as having trochaic stress systems. Okrand
(1977) has discussed the stress rules for Mutsun. He finds that Mutsun stress falls
13
on the second syllable on disyllabic words with the syllable structure CVCV(C);
otherwise initial stress. Okrand also discussed sentence intonation as a factor when
sentence final syllables are marked as stressed, though this information is missing
for Chalon.
Stress in Rumsen appears to fall on the first syllable as in Mutsun. Kaufman
(2010) has mentioned stress for Rumsen, commenting that loanwords from
Spanish show the primary stress appearing on the initial syllable in Rumsen, rather
than on the penultimate syllable as in Spanish. This is seen in the example for the
borrowed Spanish word for ‘chicken’, ˈpuy.yito, where stress in Rumsen is on the
initial syllable (Harrington, 1981).
Primary Stress Rule
The majority of the data present in Henshaw show stress in Chalon to be a
Quantity Insensitive Trochaic system. Examples of the primary stress pattern are
demonstrated in (15), where polysyllabic words have trochees with primary stress,
and all feet to the left.
(15) Primary stress pattern
(ˈσσ)σσ
(ˈhit.sa)ɪs.su
‘fingers’
(ˈσσ)σσσ
(ˈta.wa)ni.ʊm.ma
‘fever’
(ˈσσ)σσσσ
(ˈen.neh)šu.ču.ras.mɛn
‘paint’
(ˈσσ)σσσσσσ
(ˈnep.pɪ)kam.u.tɪn.šav.al.lo
‘those two horses’
In (16), examples are given to show how Chalon follows a Quantity
Insensitive stress system. Two words are used per syllable length, one representing
primary stress on a light syllable, and one representing primary stress on a heavy
syllable. Patterns of stress on heavy and light syllables are variable; primary stress
placement is not dependent on syllable weight. Instead, words in Chalon are
14
shown to be quantity insensitive, and seem to follow an initial, trochaic stress rule,
which is further examined in the following section.
(16) Quantity insensitive words
ˈwi.nas
‘eyelash’
(ˈσσ)
ˈsep.pek
‘beard’
(ˈσσ)
ˈšu.ku.mai
‘pipe stem of reed’
(ˈσσ)σ
ˈsan.čʊ.ki
‘cheek’
(ˈσσ)σ
ˈko.ro.pi.re
‘sole of foot’
(ˈσσ)σσ
ˈhit.sa.ɪs.su
‘fingers’
(ˈσσ)σσ
ˈmu.wɛ.ta.ra.ka
‘white man’
(ˈσσ)σσσ
ˈsʊm.ma.sa.ka.ra
‘right foot’
(ˈσσ)σσσ
ˈen.neh.šu.ču.ras.mɛn
‘paint’
(ˈσσ)σσσσ
sʊt.ˈkis.tɪ.mu.rʊ.tʊs
‘midnight’
σ(ˈσσ)σσσ
The data from Henshaw show that of the 214 words transcribed with stress,
73% follow this trochaic pattern.
Constraint Ranking
Optimality Theory provides the constraints necessary to achieve the stress
rules in Chalon. The rule is governed by a system where TROCHEE, ALLFTL, and
ALHDL dominate FTBIN and PARSESYLL. The tableaus in the following examples
demonstrate the constraints used for Chalon polysyllabic words, (17) showing a
three syllable word, and (18) showing a four-syllable word.
15
(17)
/σσσ/ TROCHEE
ALLFTL
ALHDL FTBIN
PARSESYLL
☞(ˈšu.ku)mai
*
šu(ˈku.mai)
*!
(šuˈku).mai
*!
(ˌšu)(kuˈmai)
*!
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
(18)
/σσσσ/ TROCHEE
ALLFTL
ALHDL FTBIN
PARSESYLL
☞(ˈtu.wɪ)yʊs.tɪ
**
(ˈtu)(ˈwɪ)yʊs.tɪ
!*
tu.wɪ(ˈyʊs.tɪ)
(tuˈwɪ)yʊs.tɪ
*!
*
*!
**
**
**
Some of the examples in the data that have morphological affixation show
that the stress shifts to the root. In those cases, ALLFTL and ALHDL will be the
dominating constraints.
Morphology
The data from Henshaw do reveal some inconsistencies with regards to foot
structure and the constraint ALLFTL. Many of these words have stress marks
contrary to the primary stress rule, which can be seen in (19). These cases show
that stress can appear on the final, penult, antepenult, and peninitial syllables.
Following a trochaic stress pattern, the resulting parses can be observed.
(19) Exceptions of primary stress pattern
a. σ(ˈσσ)
wɪ(ˈna.pɪs)
‘eyelid’
16
b. σσσ(ˈσ)
u.ku.čɪ(ˈtra)
‘first quarter of moon’
c. σσ(ˈσσ)σ
nɛp.pɪ(ˈšu.riš.ma)
‘this woman’
d. σ(ˈσσ)σσ
ɛk(ˈkwe.nah)pu.ruh
‘barehead’
e. σσσσ(ˈσσ)
mu.wɛ.at.ha(ˈwa.tis)
‘bachelor’
f. σ(ˈσσ)σσσ
ni(ˈhi-was)šu.riš.ma
‘these women’
g. (ˈσσ)(ˈσσ)
(ˈhit.sa)(ˈko.ro)
‘foot’
There are 58 exceptional cases out of 214 words marked with stress. These
exceptional cases to the stress pattern in Chalon may be due, in part, to the
morphology. There are prefixes such as ik- ‘my’ that show up on words and never
get stressed. In these instances the stress will be on the stem initial syllable.
A possible reason the language sees constructions like (19) could be
because of the morphological prefixing. Looking at examples of deictic words like
in (20) may be indicative of stress shifting. Examples in 20a-b demonstrate how
the primary foot may be shifted from left to right, possibly to be on the lexical
word ‘woman’. The prefixes ‘this’ and ‘that’ sometimes get stressed as in 20g-h,
while other times they do not, like in 20a-b.
(20) Deictic words in Chalon
a. nɛp.pɪ-(ˈšu.riš)ma
this-woman
c. ni.(ˈhi-was)-šu.riš.ma
these-NOM-women
b. nup.pɪ-(ˈšu.riš)ma
that-woman
d. nu.(ˈhu-was)-šu.riš.ma
those-NOM-women
e. nu(ˈhu-was)-(ˈu.ti)-šu.riš.ma
f. ni(ˈhe-was)-(ˈu.ti)-šu.ˈriš.ma
these-NOM-two-women
those-NOM-two-women
g. (ˈnɛp.pɪ)-šau.al.lo
this-horse
h. (ˈpɪn.ia)-ša.ual.lo
that-horse
17
i. nep.kam-ša.val.lo
those-horses
j. (ˈnep.pɪ)kam-u.tɪn.šav.al.lo
those-two-horses
It is apparent through close examination of these deictic words, that lexical
stress is not always marked. Examples 20c-i demonstrate the inconsistencies in the
data, where stress is sometimes marked initially, sometimes peninitially, and one
example of no stress marked. The data here is inconsistent and could be a factor of
several issues. It could be that the transcriptions of these words contain
inaccuracies of stress marks from the transcriber. The directionality of the stress
could be changing due to the morphology and could be because stress moves to
the lexical word as in 20a-b. Lastly, words that appear to have two stresses like
19g could be demonstrating secondary stress, or could be the result of
compounding. Still, the data are inconclusive and more investigation is needed.
CHAPTER 3: COMPLEMENTARY DISTRIBUTION
OF [h] AND [x]
There is evidence in the data from Pinart (1952) that suggests
complementary distribution of [h] and [x] in Chalon. Regarding /h/ in other
Costanoan languages, Mason (1916) states that even though ‘h’ is silent in
Spanish, it is regularly seen in specific stems of most Costanoan languages, so /h/
remains in the inventories. The phoneme /h/ also appears in the phonemic
inventory of sister language Mutsun (Okrand, 1977).
Each group of data below is separated by onsets and codas, and by vowels
that occur in the environment of [h] and [x]. This allows a clear representation of
where the sounds are occurring. The data from Pinart, seen in (21) demonstrate
transcriptions of [h] in the onset. Out of 33 total instances of [h] being used, 30
were in the onset, which accounts for 91% of the data. All five vowels appear after
[h] and are listed below.
(21) h in onset
him-
possessive marker
him.ma
‘door’
hi.nin
‘eyes’
his.sa
‘arm’
mi.his
‘wildcat’
ma.hia
‘coyote’
to.hi.yos
‘arrow’
heːšš
‘squirrel’
hap.ša
‘father’
ha.wa
‘wife’
ha.ma
‘body’
19
ham.man
‘dinner’
ha.wis
‘right arm’
pa.ha͜i.ya
‘blood’
ka.ha.riš
‘smoke’
ka.ha.na
‘I’
kai.ši.ni.ha.wa
‘a man whose body aches’
u.ru.han
‘mortar’
hu.ri
‘forehead’
huk.ki
‘pestile’
hun.pi.re
‘earth’/‘ground’
hu.ya
‘cane’/’reed’
hum.mu
‘lion’ (puma)
hum.mux
‘wolf’
mu.hu.we
‘man’
la.hu.won
‘bow’
ru.hu.wa
‘house’
hop.po
‘shoulder’
ho.yip.piš
‘rattlesnake’
hnu.šu.ku
‘pipe’
There are only three examples in (22) where [h] appears in the coda. In
these cases, [h] always occurs after a consonant.
(22) h in coda
ša.me.šanh
‘armpit’
tut.perh
‘eyelashes’
u.ti.čihk.ma.tumn ‘twenty’
20
There are eight occurrences of [x] in the onset. In these examples, [x]
occurs before all vowels, and before consonants /t/ and /p/. Instances of [x] in the
onset account for 32% of the data.
(23) x in onset
ni.xi
‘here’
taː.xe
‘I am dying’
im.xa
‘mouth’
xu.rek
‘nerves’
nu.xu
‘there’
mu.ru.xo
‘hair’
kat.txaš.men
‘deaf’
kap.pxan
‘three’
Most instances of [x] occurring in this data are in the coda, appearing 18
times out of 25 possible instances. There are four vowels that appear before [x]
and they are listed below.
(24) x in coda
a.ruix
‘oak tree’
u.re.rix
‘sugarcane reed’
ka.ka.rix
‘crow’
kats.kaːtix
‘sage’
mu.mu.rex
‘fly’ (insect)
las.sex
‘tongue’
hum.mux
‘wolf’
meː.lox
‘cactus flower’
čiup.purx
‘little basket’
21
mats.tserx
‘coyote tobacco’
kum.marx.terš
‘I stuck myself with a thorn’
o.rešx
‘bear’
yu.rešx
‘hare’
ku.muš.taršx
‘I am tired’
merx.še
‘grandmother’
merx.šen.nis
‘nephew’
koːtsx
‘snake’
Figure 1 clearly indicates [h] occurring in the onset, while [x] occurs
primarily in the coda.
35
Number of occurrences
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
h onset
h coda
x onset
x coda
Figure 1. Data from Pinart (1952) illustrating the number of occurrences of h and
x in onset and coda.
The data from Pinart provide a total of 33 transcriptions of [h] occurring in
onsets and codas of syllables. The majority of those occurred in the onset, which
accounted for 91% of the data. Transcriptions of [x] in the onset occurred 32% of
22
the time, while 68% of [x] occurred in the coda. This evidence strongly suggests
that [h] occurs in the onset, while [x] occurs in coda of syllables in Chalon.
Allophonic Variation of /h/
There are several indicators of [h] and [x] being allophones. Data from
Henshaw (1955) demonstrate use of only one phoneme in the transcriptions. This
fact is a good indication that Chalon only has one phoneme and that [h] and [x] are
allophonic variants. Henshaw’s transcriptions of h in the coda also had an
additional marking, often transcribed as h’, the apostrophe symbolizing aspiration
according to Henshaw’s phonetic system. Because the h’ in codas often
correspond with x from Pinart’s transcriptions, this could be a possible indication
that [h] in the onset and [h’] in the coda are allophones in Henshaw, especially
considering examples in (27). Okrand (1977) remarks that x transcribed in
Mason’s (1916) work agrees with the h transcribed by Harrington, and that
Harrington provides some indication of allophonic variation of [h]. This is similar
to the extra indication given by Henshaw. There is evidence from other dialects in
the language family that show how the two sounds may be allophones. Kroeber
(1910) states that [h] and [x] of Costanoan languages seem to be one sound, which
could also explain that they are allophones.
There are words in Henshaw and Pinart that correspond with one another,
where onsets and codas in Pinart are transcribed as [x] and onsets and codas of
Henshaw are transcribed as [h], seen in the examples below. Because Pinart was
transcribing two sounds where Henshaw only transcribed one, provides evidence
in support of allophonic variation of [h] and [x]. Example (25) shows instances of
[h] and [x] occuring in the onset, while (27) provides examples of [x] and [h] in
the coda.
23
(25)
Pinart
Henshaw
ni.xi
ni.hi
‘here/these’
nu.xu
nu.hu
‘there/those’
(im)xa
hai
‘mouth’
Example (26) shows that Henshaw’s transcription of ‘three’ does not
contain [h], while Pinart uses [x] for his transcription. Pinart could have been
transcribing [x] as aspiration released from the preceding /p/, Similar to Henshaw
transcribing /h/ in the onset following a stop consonant in the coda.
(26)
kap.pxan
kap.pan
‘three’
las.sex
sas.seh’
‘tongue’
a.ru.ix
ar.ru.wah’
‘oak tree’
mats.tserx
ma.keh’
‘tobacco’
iu.rešx
u.rɛh
‘rabbit’
kootsx
ko.tɪh’
‘snake’
(27)
CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION
The work presented here provides a sketch of phonology of Chalon,
including a phonemic inventory of all the consonants and vowels in the language
as well as analyses of phonemes in the language. This work also examines the
syllable structure of Chalon, along with the stress patterns.
Previous works have mentioned characteristics of [h] and [x] in Costanoan
dialects, but there has been no mention of the relationship of [h] and [x]
specifically in Chalon. Using data from Pinart and Henshaw made it possible to
analyze the transcriptions of voiceless fricatives [h] and [x]. Through the analysis
of this work, it is apparent that there is complementary distribution of the two, [h]
occurring in the onsets and [x] occurring in the codas of words in Chalon. There is
also further evidence to support the idea that the two are allophones. Examining
previous ideas of [h] and [x] and how they interact in several other Costanoan
languages provides good insight on how they relate in Chalon. Being that the [h]
in Henshaw’s transcriptions and [x] in Pinart’s transcriptions correspond with each
other is also good evidence that they are allophones.
REFERENCES
REFERENCES
Harrington, J. (1981). The papers of John Peabody Harrington in the Smithsonian
Institution, 1907-1957 (Vol. 8). Millwood, NY: Kraus International.
Henshaw, H.W. (1955). California Indian Linguistic Records: the Mission Indian
Vocabularies of H. W. Henshaw. R. F. Heizer, ed. Anthropological Records
15(2), 85-202.
Kaufman, D.V. (2010). Some observations of Rumsen Ohlone grammar. Kansas
Working Papers of Linguistics, 31, 39-45.
Kroeber, A.L. (1910). The Chumash and Costanoan Languages. University of
California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 9(2), 237271.
Mason, J.A. (1916). The Mutsun dialect of Costanoan based on the vocabulary of
de la Cuesta. University of California Publications in American Archaeology
and Ethnology, 11(7), 399-472.
Okrand, M. (1977). Mutsun Grammar (Doctoral dissertation, University of
California, Berkeley).
Pinart, A. (1952). California Indian Linguistic Records: the Mission Indian
Vocabularies of Alphonse Pinart. R.F. Heizer, ed. Anthropological Records
15(1), 1-84.
Shaul, D.L. (2008). Chalon texts and glossary (Doctoral dissertation, University of
Wyoming).
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A: GEMINATES
29
Examples of geminates in Pinart
šin.ni.ki.niš
‘boy’
in.niš
‘my son’
an.na.puš
‘orphan’
merx.šen.niš
‘nephew’
hin.nin
‘eyes’
muin.nas
‘eyebrows’
ui.nun.ne.niš
‘to be hungry’
a.kriː.nen.niš
‘to be thirsty’
him.ma
‘door’
ham.man
‘dinner’
am.me.net
‘rain’
rum.me
‘canyon’
im.ma.tse
‘tobacco’
hum.mu
‘lion’ (puma)
hum.mux
‘wolf’
im.me.nok.ši
‘six’
hap.pa
‘your father’
ip.pap.la
‘granddaughter’
či.yop.po
‘head’
hop.po
‘shoulder’
čip.pe
‘knife’
čiup.purx
‘little basket’
hoip.piš
‘rattlesnake’
kap.pxan
‘three’
las.sex
‘tongue’
30
his.sa
‘arm’
mus.si
‘hot’
mis.sis
‘ground ivy’
ma.tus.su
‘ten’
mak.ku
‘husband’
ik.tak.ka
‘brother’
mak.ke.na
‘people’
tsak.ka
‘ribs’
huk.ki
‘pestle’
mak.ke
‘you’
mak.ka.mia
‘they’
met.tets
‘breasts’
čo.rat.tika
‘sky’
kat.txaš.men
‘deaf’
tait.ti.men
‘eight’
pit.ti
‘belly’
pat.ti
‘chia’ (lime leaved sage)
noš.šo
‘stomach’
piš.ša
‘mist’
(heːšš)
‘squirrel’
tal.len
‘salmon’
tal.le
‘sister’
(pa.sall)
‘blackbird’
mats.tserx
‘coyote tobacco’
31
Examples of geminates in Henshaw
sɪn.nɪk.ɪn.nɪš
‘boy’
šu.šɪk.ɪn.nɪs
‘girl’
wɪn.na.pɪs
‘eyelid’
ɛn.neh.šu.ču.ras.mɛn
‘paint’
i.hɪn.nɪs
‘bird’s tracks’
a.mɪn.ni.hɪn.ni.mʊk.kɪ
‘storm’
͜iɛn.nuh’
‘a scar’
ɪn.nan
‘road’
ʊm.ma
‘body’
sʊm.ma
‘right arm’
hɪm.mɪt.sa
‘one’
hɪm.mɪt.sa
‘east’
sɛp.pos
‘arrow feathers’
sɛp.pɛk
‘beard’
kap.pan
‘three’
ɪp.pɪh
‘rattlesnake’
nɛp.pɪ
‘here’
sas.seh’
‘tongue’
ɛs.sɛh’
‘blanket’
ɪs.su
‘hand’
pɪs.sa.tɛn
‘the clouds’
mak.kus
‘knee’
ɛk.kwe.nah.pu.ruh’
‘barehead’
ɛk.kwe.rah.ko.ro
‘barefoot’
yɛk.ku.mun
‘west’
32
ha.pa.mʊk.kɪ
‘to swim’
hu.yu.mi.mʊk.kɪ
‘war’
kʊt.tʊk
‘neck’
tɛt.tɛk
‘sparrow hawk’
sats.tsɪ.ran
‘raccoon’
ar.ru.wah’
‘white oak’
mar.rah’
‘fur’
čɛl.la
‘urine’
hʊč.čal
‘hip’
APPENDIX B: DIPHTHONGS
34
Examples of diphthongs in Henshaw
ta͜i.yʊs
‘arrow’
ta͜it.mɪn
‘eight’
ka͜i.yi͜a.ma
‘pain’
wa͜i.ču.ni
‘a sore’
pa͜i.yan
‘blood’
ha͜i
‘mouth’
ka.ka͜is
‘crow’
ta.na͜i
‘fish net’
ka.ha͜i
‘louse’
tra͜i
‘bone’
ta.ka͜i
‘mat’
ta.na͜i
‘fish net’
šu.ku.ma͜i
‘pipe stem of reed’
wɪ.ko͜i
‘yesterday’
wa͜i.čus.tiː.ka.ro͜ʊ
‘a lame man’
yra͜iː.ko.ro͜ʊ
‘ankle’
ɔ.tšo͜ʊ
‘ear’
pɔ.wo͜ʊ
‘thief’
ho͜ʊr.kʊs
‘throat’
hɔ.no͜ʊ
‘navel’
ɪs.so͜ʊ
‘arm’
ko͜ʊ.ro͜ʊ
‘leg’
no͜ʊ.so͜ʊ
‘heart’
hɔ.nɔš.hɔ.po͜ʊ
‘lung’
sɛ.po͜ʊs
‘arrow of feathers’
35
to͜ʊ.ti
‘meat’
po͜ʊ.ro.wɛs
‘five’
tɔ.ro͜ʊ.ma
‘wildcat’
ču.lo͜ʊn
‘house mouse’
ko͜ʊk
‘tail’
ko͜ʊ.tɪh
‘snake’
po͜ʊ.lo͜ʊ.kɪs
‘grasshopper’
ɔ.to͜ʊ
‘ant’
yo͜ʊ.puk
‘snow’
to͜ʊ.ha.re.nɪ
‘a cold’
wa͜i.čus.ti.i.kɔ.ro͜ʊ
‘a lame man’
no͜ʊ.se.bɪt
‘breath’
ša.val.lo͜ʊ
‘horse’
Examples of diphthongs in Pinart
ka͜i.ši.ni.ha.wa
‘a man whose body aches’
sa͜i.yan
‘heel’
pa.ha͜i.ya
‘blood’
ča͜ič
‘strong’
ta͜i.ti.men
‘eight’
ho͜ip.piš
‘rattlesnake’
(ča͜o.ra)
‘sit down’
APPENDIX C: LONG VOWELS
37
Examples of long vowels in Pinart
siː
‘water’
či.riː
‘niece’
him.siːt
‘teeth’
a.kriː.nen.niš
‘to be thirsty’
meː.lox
‘cactus flower’
heːšš
‘squirrel’
paː.ya
‘leg’
šaː.to
‘islay’
waː.kaš.me
‘to eat’
kats.kaː.tix
‘sage’
uːs
‘nose’
uː.yi
‘trout’
uː.we
‘to drink’
uː.miš
‘owl’
uːt.čit
‘four’
uːwat.tsu
‘nine’
luː.tu
‘ill’
roː.koš
‘tule’
koːtsx
‘snake’
APPENDIX D: STRESSED WORDS
39
1σ
ˈkok
‘tail’
2σ
ˈšɪ.nɪ
‘infant’
ˈmu.we
‘married man’
ˈwi.nas
‘eyelash’
ˈat.ko
‘ear’
ˈsep.pek
‘beard’
ˈsa.seh
‘tongue’
ˈhor.kus
‘throat’
ˈʊm.mɑ
‘body’
ˈha.pa
‘back’
ˈhʊč.čal
‘hip’
ˈpɪt.i
‘belly’
ˈɪs.so
‘arm’
ˈa.wɪš
‘left arm’
ˈsʊm.mɑ
‘right arm’
ˈpʊ.ka
‘elbow’
ˈɪs.su
‘wrist’
ˈsu.pis
‘knuckle’
ˈya.tʊs
‘calf of leg’
ˈpa.yan
‘blood’
ˈlu.pa
‘brain’
ˈno.so
‘stomach’
40
ˈpaš.paš
‘kidney’
ˈsi.dɛ
‘liver’
ˈyi.sas
‘skin’
ˈtra.i
‘bone’
ˈpi.ti
‘intestines’
ˈtu.nɛk
‘bone inserted in nose’
ˈma.sɛh
‘necklace of shells’
ˈu.tuh
‘red paint’
ˈsa.tan
‘rire’
ˈha.naš
‘a light’
ˈni.sis
‘ashes’
ˈkar.ɪs
‘smoke’
ˈta.kai
‘mat’
ˈta.wa
‘bow of wood’
ˈtai.ʊs
‘arrow’
ˈi.dɛk
‘arrow of stone’
ˈki.ta
‘arrow shaft of wood’
ˈsɛp.pos
‘arrow of feathers’
ˈo.wan
‘canoe’
ˈta.nai
‘fish net’
ˈtu.yʊs
‘net for catching rabbits’
ˈur.wan
‘mortar’
ˈu.šit
‘large conical seed basket’
ˈwark.san
‘winnowing basket’
ˈa.man
‘food’
ˈkur.ka
‘meal’ (seed)
41
ˈto.ti
‘meat’
ˈu.tɪn
‘two’
ˈkap.pan
‘three’
ˈu.tɪt
‘four’
ˈtait.mɪn
‘eight
ˈwa.tus
‘nine’
ˈtu.hɪ
‘day’
ˈmu.rɪ
‘night’
ˈne.nɪ
‘now’
ˈti.wɪs
‘badger’
ˈta.čɪ
‘black-tailed deer’
ˈtiš.šɪn
‘fox’
ˈčʊ.lon
‘house mouse’
ˈči.yɛs
‘jack rabbit’
ˈu.rɛh
‘cottontail rabbit’
ˈtɪk.šɪn
‘skunk’
ˈmai.yan
‘coyote’
ˈti.wi
‘whale’
ˈmar.rah
‘fur’
ˈči.ri
‘horn’
ˈpu.nɪs
‘bird’
ˈhu.wɪs
‘great horned owl’
ˈti.wak
‘red shafted woodpecker’
ˈsɛp.pos
‘feathers’
ˈma.te
‘egg’
ˈes.sen
‘bird’s nest’
42
ˈhu.min
‘to fly’
ˈɪp.pɪh
‘rattlesnake’
ˈko.tɪh
‘snake’
ˈka.hai
‘louse’
ˈma.luč
‘leaf’
ˈpa.ka
‘limb’
ˈšɪ.mič
‘outside bark’
ˈhe.kʊt
‘root’
ˈpa.kʊn
‘tree’
ˈa.man
‘fruit’
ˈči.čah
‘grass’
ˈi.tas
‘unripe’
ˈyu.kɪs
‘live oak’
ˈa.was
‘north’
ˈtap.ri
‘sky’
ˈpɪ.sa
‘fog’
ˈyo.puk
‘snow’
ˈam.lin
‘rain’
ˈtu.ran
‘thunder’
ˈka.wi
‘wind’
ˈwɪt.pɛ
‘lightning’
ˈkuk.sɪ
‘mud’
ˈa.wɪs
‘salt’
ˈi.rɛk
‘rock’
ˈka.nɪk
‘it is my’
ˈna.čɪ
‘friend’ (of the tribe)
43
ˈru.tu
‘sickness’
ˈčɛl.la
‘urine’
ˈčʊ.duk
‘dung’
ˈča.ča
‘medicine’
ˈu.ten
‘a medicine man’
ˈča.čas
‘a medicine woman’
ˈtu.pɛn
‘sweat house’
ˈči.te
‘dance’
ˈpis.mɪn
‘beads’
ˈɪn.nan
‘road’
wʊ.ˈrʊh
‘head’
u.ˈri
‘forehead’
mak.ˈkus
‘knee’
u.ˈtukč
‘seven’
ka.ˈlɛn
‘wave’
čuk.ˈrɪn
‘diarrhea’
ˈko.ˈro
‘leg’
3σ
ˈhu.ɪ.lus
‘family’
ˈsan.čʊ.ki
‘cheek’
ˈšu.ku.mai
‘pipe stem of reed’
ˈpu.lu.ma
‘bread’
ˈɪt.tʊs
‘corn’ (green)
ˈmu.ru.tʊ
‘black’
ˈtɪs.tɛs.mi
‘red’
44
ˈpo.ro.wɛs
‘five’
ˈta.ro.ma
‘wildcat’
ˈhu.čak.nɛs
‘dog’
ˈšu.šu.ɪ
‘grey squirrel’
ˈka.ka.ɪs
‘crow’
ˈwe.či.či
‘burrowing owl’
ˈtu.ri.u
‘red headed vulture’
ˈa.ru.wah
‘white oak’
ˈu.mu.i
‘above’
ˈpɪs.sa.tɛn
‘the clouds’
ˈa.wɪš.na
‘stars’
ˈu.kutk.si
‘shower’
ˈsʊ.tus.tɪ
‘dead body’
ˈwʊr.ha.nɪs
‘a cut’
ˈmal.tʊs.tɪ
‘a blind man’
i.ˈɛn.nu
‘a scar’
hu.ˈri.a
‘widower’
wɪ.ˈna.pɪs
‘eyelid’
o.ˈtuk.šo
‘upper lip’
mu.ˈču. čuk
‘arm pit’
ko.ˈrot.ka
‘instep’
ru.ˈmi.mɛč
‘spine’
a.ˈmai.ye
‘naked’
lɛm.ˈme.ya
‘robe of rabbit skins’
čuk.ˈtruk.mi
‘blue’
hɪ.ˈmɪt.sa
‘one’
45
a.ˈwɛs.ti
‘sunrise’
mu.ˈre.wa
‘morning’
ne.ˈɛ.na
‘today’
mu.ˈre.wa
‘tomorrow’
o.ˈwo.han
‘mountain lion’
hu.ˈmi.na
‘hummingbird’
pa.ˈra.tut
‘yellow-billed magpie’
i.ˈhɪn.nɪs
‘bird’s tracks’
po.ˈlo.kɪs
‘grasshopper’
hɪ.ˈmɪt.sa
‘east’
a.ˈma.nɪ
‘a cloud’
hu.ˈba.tɪ
‘tide’
ik.ˈpʊp.lai
‘my son’s son’
ik.ˈap.pa
‘my father’
ɪk.ˈme.rɪ
‘my father’s mother’
ɪk.ˈa.na
‘my mother’
nɪ.ˈna.wʊs
‘I belong here’
a.ˈna.puh
‘a coward’
sɪh.ˈpe.ni
‘vertigo’
wai.ˈču.ni
‘a sore’
no.ˈse.bɪt
‘breath’
ɪs.ˈta.nɛn
‘a dream’
ma.rɪ.ˈan
‘brush’
4σ
ˈa.kum.ˈši.rin
‘earlobe’
46
ˈhit.sa.ˈko.ro
‘foot’
ˈha.naš.ˈha.po
‘lung’
ˈhit.sa.ɪs.su
‘fingers’
ˈko.ro.pi.re
‘sole of foot’
ˈu.ɪ.kus.tɪ
‘dawn’
ˈtu. ɪ.yʊs.tɪ
‘noon’
ˈu.i.kay.i
‘afternoon’
ˈkai.yi.i.ˈčɪp
‘headache’
ˈkai.yi.i.ˈsɪt
‘toothache’
ˈšim.ˈtɪk. ɪ.la
‘bat’
u.kuč. ɪ.ˈtra
‘first quarter of moon’
u.i.ˈkoi.tɪs
‘day before yesterday’
u.ˈšum.tuk.tu
‘day after tomorrow’
šu.ˈšik.in.niš
‘girl’
u.ˈtɪn.tai.yus
‘two arrows’
5σ
ˈwʊr. ʊrh.pa.tak.tis
‘scalp’
ˈmu.wɛ.ta.ra.ka
‘white man’
ˈmu.wɛ.šu.ču.ra
‘negro’
ˈta.wa.ni.ʊm.ma
‘fever’
ˈu.tɪ.ni.sɪ.ni
‘two boys’
ˈpɪn.ia.šau.al.lo
‘that horse’
ˈnɛp.pɪ.šau.al.lo
‘this horse’
ˈsʊm.ma.sa.ka.ra
‘right foot’
ˈa.wɪš.sa.ka.ra
‘left foot’
47
ɛk.ˈkwe.nah.pu.ruh
‘barehead’
ɪk.ˈtʊk.ka.mɪs.sɪs
‘my elder brother’
ɛk.ˈkwe.rah.ˈko.ro
‘barefoot’
nɛp.pɪ.ˈšu.riš.ma
‘this woman’
nup.pɪ.ˈšu.riš.ma
‘that woman’
u.tɪn.mat.ˈsun.mɪ
‘twenty’
it.ɪ.ˈɛn.ˈko.ro
‘heel’
ko.ˈrot.ka pi.ˈre
‘toe’
6σ
ˈen.neh.šu.ču.ras.mɛn
‘paint’
ˈpa.čal.šu.ču.ras.mɪn
‘black bird’
ˈɪs.su.hai.a.čas.mɪn
‘right hand’
ˈšu.riš.ma.hu.ˈris.men
‘widow’
sʊt.ˈkis.tɪ.mur.ʊ.tʊs
‘midnight’
am.ˈpi.tis.tɪn.tai.yus
‘some arrows’
ni.ˈhi.was.šu.riš.ma
‘these women’
nu.ˈhu.was.šu.riš.ma
‘those women’
mu.wɛ.a.tha.ˈwa.tis
‘bachelor’
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Nicole DerSimonian
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April 19, 2015
Date