The theories of proto-industrialization
Sheilagh C. Ogibie and Markrc Cerman
'Proto-industrialization'
is the name given to *re expansion of domestic
producing
goods
for non-local markets which took place in
industries
parts
of Europe between the sixteen*r and the nineteenth
many
centuries. Often, although not always, such industries arose in the
countryside where they were practised alongside agriculture; usually,
they expanded without adopting advanced technolory or centralizing
production into factories.
This widespread industrial growttr in early modern Europe has long
been a subject of specialized study. But in the 1970s it began to attract
much wider interest, when a series of stimulating articles and books
christened it 'proto-industrialization', and argued that it was a major
cause of the transition to capitalism and factory industrialization.
Proto-industrialization
as the first step trr irt4,r"l6alization
The term 'proto-industrialization' was invented by Franklin Mendels,
and first used in his 1969 doctoral dissertation on the Flemish linen
industry (Mendels 1969/1981). It became widely known after the
publication in 1972 of a now-famous article based on this research
(Mendels 1972). For Mendels, proto-industrialization was the first
phase of industrialization: 'pre-industrial industry', he argued, 'preceded and prepared modern industrialization proper' (Mendels
1972: 241). During this proto-industrial phase, a rural labour force
became involved in domestic industries producing for supra-regional
markets. The population was liberated from the agrarian resource
base, and labour which had previously been unused because of the
seasonal nature of agrarian production found employment. Subsequently, in order for production to expand further, specialization
into regions of rural industry and commercial agriculture became
necessary.
Mendels took for granted that all of early modem Europe (not just
Flanders) saw the decline of traditional urban and guild regulation of
2
SheilaghC. Ogilvie and Markus Cerman
industry, as manufacturing moved into the unregulated countryside.
There, according to Mendels, proto-industrialization also broke down
the traditional regulation mechanisms of agrarian society - inheritance
systems and other institutional controls - which had adjusted population
growth to available economic resources. For the regions of Flanders
which he studied, Mendels sought ro show that periods of economic
uptum in proto-industry led to an increase in the number of marriages,
and that this increase was ineversible - that is, even in periods of
economic downturn, the marriage rate did not decline again. This, he
argued, generated higher fenility and rapid population growth, which in
rurn led to further expansion in rural domestic industries. It was this
self-sustaining proto-industrial spiral, Mendels argued, which ultimately
generated the labour, capital, entrepreneurship, commercial agriculture
and supra*regional consumer markets required for factory industrialization. Mendels explored and extended these theses over rhe years that
followed (seeMendels 1975; and especiallyMendels l9g0).
Proto-industr.iali
zation and proletarianization
During the 1970s and 1980s, Mendels' argumenrs were eagerlytaken up
by other hisrorians, giving rise to separare schools of proto-industrial
theory. One emanated from David I-evine, who, in his doctoral
dissenation on two villages in nineteenth-cennrry I-eicestershire, also
viewed proto-industry as having revolutionized demographic behaviour
(later published as I-evine lg77). But for r*vine, proto-industry and the
associated population explosion were important mainly because they
'proletarianized'
the worldorce. By this he meant that they broke down
the social structure and landownership paftern of traditional rural
society, creating a large group of people who had no land to live from,
and therefore had to work for wages. I-evine viewed proto-industrialization as only one aspect of this larger process of proletarianization, which
for him was the crucial precondition for capitalism and industrialization.
Proto-industr"ialization
and surlrlus labour
Another view of proto-industrialization, much less widely known *lan
others but indirecdy quite influential, was put forward by Joel Mokyr.
Mokyr rejected alrnost all *re arguments advanced by Mendels (Mokyr
1976:. 377-9). However, he was convinced that proto-industrialization
provided cheap 'surplus' labour, which fuelled European industrialization by means of the mechanisms described by '$f. A. I-ewis in his
dualistic growth model for modem developing economies (-ewis Lg54).
The theoriesof proto-industrialization
3
V&ile Lrwis' model had been (and still is) enormously influential, it was
becoming clear that there was little empirical evidence for the existence
'surplus' labour in the agricultural sectors of present-day less
of much
developed economies (I(ao, Anschel and Eicher 1964: l4l; Uttle 1982:
90). But Mokyr argued that in the pre-industrial European economyJ
surplus labour was provided not by agriculture but by proto-industry.
Although for the most part this version of the theory has not been
pursued, it is important becauseof its direct links with the economics of
development, and because it is close to the view of proto-industrialization adopted by Jan de Vries in his influential theories conceming early
modem European urbanization (de Vries 1984).
Proto-industrializ31i611
capitalism
and the transition
from feudalism to
The proto-industrialization debate was intensified, first in German (in
L977) and then in English (in 1981), by the publication of a book by
Peter Kriedte, F{ans Medick and Jrirgen Schlumbohm. Combining
Mendels' and I-evine's findings with earlier literature on domestic
industry, panicularly *rat of the German Historical School of National
Economy, they turned the theory of proto-industrialization into a
general model of European social and economic change in the period
between the Middle Ages and the nineteenth century. In their own
words,
Proto-industrialization...as'industrializationbeforeindustrialization'... can
be defined as the development of rural regions in which a large part of the
population lived entirely or to a considerableextent from industrial mass
production for inter-regional and intemational markets ... Viewed from the
Iong-rangeperspecdve,it belongsto the great processof transformationwhich
seizedthe feudal European agrarian societiesand led them toward industrial
capitalism.(Kriedte,Medick and Schlumbohm1981:6)
For them, proto-industrialization represented the 'second phase' of
this uansformation process, for it 'could establish itself only where the
ties of the feudal system had either loosened or were in the process of
fuIl disintegration' (Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1981: 6). The
cause of this loosening of feudalism in the 'first phase' of the transition
to capitalism was, they argued, an increased differentiation in agrarian
class structure and a bifurcation of agrarian production into commercial
and subsistence rypes. This in turn had been caused by the commutation
of feudal dues paid in kind into money renrs, which had occurred in
European feudal societies, particularly in western and north-westem
areas of the continent. The polarization of the rual population into two
4
SheilaghC. Ogilvie and Markus Cerman
different groups -'peasants' (who owned enough land to live solely from
agricultural production), and a landless or land-poor'rural sub-stratum'
(who could not live from agriculture alone) - provided the basis, it was
argued, for the subsequent integration of the rural sub-stratum into
domestic industry. This integration was triggered by the e:rpansion of
supra-regional and international markets, and a resulting need to
increase production. Industrial production could only be expanded if it
was shifted to the countryside, because in the towns guilds restricted
growth.
Once proto-indusries had arisen in the countryside, according to this
accountJ they led to a transformation in the organization of industrial
production, through a succession of different stages of development
(alttrough it was emphasized that these stages should not be viewed as
rigid or deterministic). The first stage was the 'Kaufsystem' (artisanal or
workshop system), in which rural producers retained autonomy over
production and selling. An increasing penetration of merchant capital
into production led to a greater dependency of producers on merchants
and putters-out, bringing about a general transition to the 'Verlagssystem' (putting-out system). The most important element in this
dependency was that the rural producers no longer had independent
access to the market, either for buying raw materials or for selling their
product. In the puming-out system, the merchants bought up the raw
material inputs, 'put them out' to the rural producers who processed
them in return for a wage, whereupon the merchants collected the
output for transfer either to the finishing stages of production or to the
final consumer market. (Jltimately, according to *ris view, industrial
production made the transition to a third organizational stage, the
concentration of production into centralized manufactories and then
into mechanized factories. Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm - like
Mendels - explicitly mentioned (although without explaining) the
possibility *rat this line of development might fail, resulting in deindustrialization and re-agrarianization.
As in the theory of Mendels, so too in that of Kriedte, Medick and
Schlumbohm, the demographic consequences of proto-industrialization
occupied a central position. The so-called 'demo-economic system' of
proto-industrialization, developed by Hans Medick (and discussed in
greater detail in Jtirgen Schlumbohm's contribution to the present
volume), drew a systematic set of theoretical connections between
demographic development and the family economy of the protoindustrial household. Medick's concept thus sought to go beyond the
direct relationships between proto-industry and marriage behaviour as
*rey had been interpreted by Mendels.
The theoriesof proto-industrialization
5
Some*ring often not acknowledged by either critics or proponents of
the concepts advanced by Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm is that
their theory actually advances tvro distinct assessments of protoindustrialization. Peter Kriedte and Hans Medick, in what they call their
'system concept', regard the proto-industrialization phase as a separate
economic system: that is, it was a separate mode of production which
prevailed during the transition from feudalism to capitalism, and which
united elements of both feudal and capitalist modes. Jtirgen Schlumbohm, by contrast, holds that although the proto-indusrialization phase
did have features of both feudal and capitalistic modes of production, it
did not constinlte a system of its own: it was a process, and remained
part of the feudal mode of production.
Extensions to the theories of proto-industrialization
At latest by 1977, therefore, the concept of proto-industrialization had
proliferated into a family of different theories, which adopted rather
different definitions of proto-industry and which disagreed quite
fundamentally about the causes of economic development. Almost all
that they had in common was that they located these causes in a certain
sector of t}re economy - export-oriented domestic industries - and
viewed this sector as having broken down the demographic equilibrium
of traditional European society. Over the following years and decades,
these various branches of proto-industrialization *reory stimulated a
huge outpouring of research into regions of domestic industry
throughout Europe - and, indeed, beyond it (on the application of
proto-industrialization theories to the non-European world, see the
literature cited in Ogilvie 1993a:178 n. 6).
By 1982, so influential and yet so variegated had the field of protoindustrialization become that Franklin Mendels and Pierre Deyon were
invited to convene one of ttre three main sessions of the Eighth
Intemational Economic History Congress in Budapest, wittr protoindustrialization as their theme. Deyon and Mendels pre-circulated a
draft definition and a set of hypotheses, forty-eight researchers contributed empirical papers (Deyon and Mendels 1982), and Mendels
summarized the findings of the session in a 'General repoft', containing
a revised definition and a set of hypotheses which have provided a basis
for subsequent debate (Mendels 1982; revised version published in
French as Mendels 1984).
The 1982 definition of proto-industrialization stressed certain key
characteristics. Proto-industrialization was held to take place (and thus be
most properly studied) not nationally or internationally, but regionally:
6
SheilaghC. Oeihrieand Markus Cerman
'within a small radius around a regional capital'' Sfithin regions' protoindustries were held to combine three characteristics. First, they were
distinguished from old-fashioned crafts in that they produced not for
local or regional consumption, but for sale to export markets located
'the most significant aspect of protooutside the region. Second,
'provided
employment in the countryside
industrialization' was that it
peasants who also laboured in
pan
by
time
above all': it was practised
'extreme
form' did it involve fullor
ultimate
agriculture, and only in its
involved the'symbiosis
proto-industrialization
time employment. Third,
of a commercial
development
regional
of rural industry with the
'the dynamic element':
was
characteristic
agriculture'. A supplementary
proto-industrialization was defined as a grcwth over time in the industrial
employment of rural workers (Mendels 1982:.77-9).
Deyon and Mendels also put forward four hypotheses concerning the
efrectsof proto-industrialization. First, it was supposed to have led to
population growth and land fragmentation, by breaking down traditional
regulation of demographic behaviour by peasants, landlords or inheritance systems. Second, it created profits which formed the capital for
factory industrialization. Third, it provided merchants with ttre skills and
experience they would need for factory industrialization' And fourth, it
caused the commercialization of agriculture, which enabled subsequent
urbanization and factory industrialization. The authors argued that it
was through these four mechanisms that proto-industrialization led to
factory industrialization, although they admitted that sometimes it led to
de-industrialization instead (Mendels 1982: 80).
In his 'General report' of 1982, Mendels also proposed a list of
revisions to some of the original proto-industrialization hypotheses of
the 1970s. First, he admitted that the chronology of proto-industrialization varied, and had to be investigated in the context of the economic
history of the particular region in question. Second, he acknowledged
that proto-indusuialization did not invariably lead to impoverishment;
he suggested that producers' incomes depended on the production
function of the specific wares *tey produced. Third, although he still
held that proto-indusory invariably disturbed the demographic system'
he admined that its impact might be felt not just on nuptiality, but also
on fertility and migration; and that it depended on household organba'European' family system (Ilainal
tion, the prevalence of a Hajnal-type
1965, 1983), the social position of women and adolescents,the degree
of population pressure and the nature of domestic relations in the
particular sociery in question. Fourth, he admined that proto-industry
could lead to either industrialization or de-industrialization, depending
on a variety of factors, among which he highlighted nansportation costs.
The theories of proto-industrialization
Fifth, he acknowledged that the effect of proto-industrialization depended on the larger world economy, which might make it risky to
extrapolate to *re modern developing world. FinallR he argued that the
srudy of proto-industrialization should wam modern development
economists of the dangers of simple linear views of development,
involving straighdorward transitions from static feudal societies to
dynamic capitalist ones (Mendels 1982: 93-8).
Criticisms
of the theories of proto-industrialization
Somewhat more slowly *ran they attracted support, the theories of
proto-industrialization also began to draw criticisms. Several components of the definitioz of proto-industry evoked lively controversy
(Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1992: 70ff). For one thing, the
precise size and structure of unit *rat qualified as a'region'was unclear.
Proto-industries could and often did extend beyond the radius around a
single market town, or altematively were sometimes found in only one
or rwo communities in such a radius. Thus it was undesirably
constraining to adopt this narrow geographers' definition of a region. On
the other hand, defining the region as simply the area within which a
certain proto-industry was practised seemed, al*rough pragmatic, to
Ieach the concept of the 'region' of much of its analytic content.
Moreover, there was no agteement about how large a proportion of the
regional labour force must have been employed in proto-industry, nor
how fast or sustained the growth of this labour force must have been, in
order to quahfii as 'proto-industrialization'. Many researchers emphasized the importance of specific characteristics of the particular region,
including the economic trends it experienced historically, and its
situation within the wider national or international framework. in
affecting the course of proto-industrialization.
There was also confusion about the precise theoretical impoftance of
expon markers for proto-industries; this is especially important given the
criticisms from a number of historians of crafts and industry about the
neglect of locally oriented rural and urban crafts. Even now, it remains
unclear what proportion of production had to be exponed in order for
any given industry to qualiff as a proto-industry instead of a craft.
Finally, it is not clear how distant the final markets must have been, in
order for trade in industrial products to count as 'supra-regional' rather
than 'local' - especially given the ambiguity in defining the 'region'
which has already been discussed. In sum, the precise demarcation
between locally oriented crafts and export-oriented proto-industries
remains indistinct.
8
SheilaghC. Ogilaieand Markus Cennan
Many commentators, especially historians of crafts and industry,
criticized the negkct of other forms of in&rstry. The theories of protoindustrialization concentrated solely on one sort of pre-industrial
industry - namely domestic industry. These critics advanced strong
arguments against such an over-emphasis on the role played by this
single sort of industry in the transition to industrialization proper. They
urged that historians also take into account the quandtative and
qualitative importance of locally oriented rural and urban crafts, exportoriented urban industries, and centralized manufactories - all of which
had been consciously neglected by the theories of proto-industrialization
(Kauftrold 1986; Suomer 1986; Schremmer l98O:.422-3,425-7,442).
A related issue was the apparent neglectof industial uchnologt and
pl4tsical geography. Although Mendels made passing references to *re
role of the production functions of pardcular industries in affecting rural
impoverishment, and the key role of ffansportation costs in determining
industrialization or de-industrialization of proto-industrial regions, these
references remained for many years largely unexplored. Only recently
have they been developed into a more systematic consideration of the
role in proto-industries of technical requirements of different branches
of industry and the effect on production costs of geographical and
physical characteristics of the region (Mager 1993).
A fundamental substantive criticism levelled at all the theorists, but
particularly Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm, was that they adopted a
mistaken view of the structure and functioning of the traditional societics
out of which proto-industrialization is supposed to have developed. This
criticism was directed both at their view of the preconditions for the
dissolution of feudalism during the 'first phase' of the transition to
capitalism, and at their picture of agrarian society, especially that part of
it which they termed the 'subsistenceqpe' (Coleman 1983: 440ff; Eley
1984: 525f8 Houston and Snell 1984: 491; Linde 1980: 1064
Schremmer L98O:.434ff; cf. on this Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm
1983: 92ffand the contribution by Schlumbohm in the present volume).
This raised the question whether the model of the peasant family
economy which they - like Mendels - had taken over from Alexander
Chayanov, who had developed it for early-f'ventieth-century Russian
peasants (Chayanov 1966), was really applicable to early modem
European societies. Further criticisms were levelled at the contrasts
drawn between subsistence-oriented proto-industrial producers and
profit-oriented (i.e. capitalistically motivated) putters-out and entrepreneurs (Mosser l98l: 404n. The exclusive subsistence orientation
assumed for rural domestic workers was not found in empirical studies,
and was inconsistent with the observed fact that proto-industrial
The theoriesof proto-industrialization
9
producers sometimes became traders, factors, putters-out and even
manufactory operators; nor was it altogether consistent with the
observed practice whereby proto-industrial workers saved up protoindustrial earnings to invest in land and agriculture.
Closely related to this issue was the argument that the theories were
Some commentators argued that
inapplicableto cenain Eurolean soc'ieties.
proto-industrialization
assumed in the theory
the preconditions for
that the model could
only
in
north-west
Europe,
so
actually prevailed
(Flouston
generally
and
applicable
Snell 1984:' 476).
not claim to be
part of northimponant
contended
that
England
an
However, others
corrunerto
from
the
model,
because
had
be
excluded
west Europe
were
far
advanced
in
capitalistic
stmctures
already
cialization and
proto-industries,
protoand
thus
the
establishment
of
before
England
industrialization cannot have brought them into being. It was also
argued that the demographic postulates of the theory and the view it
advanced concerning factory industrialization were not appropriate in
the English context (Coleman 1983: 439tr; llouston and Snell 1984:
476). Ironicalln German historians also claimed that the theories of
proto-industrialization were inapplicable to Germany, which is often
'special path' toward industrialization and
seen as having followed a
modemization (Kuczynski 1981; Schultz 1983; Linde 1980).
Most commentaries also criticized the demograpleccomponent to the
theories: both Mendels' view of the relationship benveen proto-industry
and demographic growth, and Medick's 'demo-economic system'.
Because the demographic regime was subject to so many different
influences in the various regions of eady modem Europe, it seemed
unlikely that all local and regional studies would suppoft the postulates
of the theory in all respects. As a consequence, the explanatory power
and the validity of Mendels' and Medick's demographic postulates were
questioned by a wide variety of critics, from both *reoretical and
empirical perspectives. Empirical case-studies of proto-industrial
regions all over Europe were adduced to show that not all protoindustrial regions had greater population density, faster demographic
growth, lower ages of marriage, higher fertility rates, larger households
or a breakdown in the family and gender division of labour - all of which
had been postulated in the original *reories. Furthermore, case-studies
Qf agrarian regions were used to demonstrate that many - even all - of
these demographic characteristics could also be found in regions and
time-periods when agricultural production was intensified and expanded
(Coleman 1983l. 442f; Linde 1980: l13B Housron and Snell 1984:
479ff; Scfuemmer 1980: 429f[ Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm
1993:219-26).
l0
SheilaghC.Ogiltie and Markus Cerman
The relationship between proto-industry and agriculture also remained
unclear. It was pointed out that proto-industries were practised in the
same region as many different kinds of agriculture, including both
subsistence and commercial farming. Moreover, proto-industries
derived their food and raw material supplies both from their own
farming and from that of neighbouring or more distant regions of
surplus. By-employment in proto-industry and agriculture was not the
norn, but rather was sometimes present and sometimes absent. Finally,
it was pointed out that in a number of proto-industrial regions,
traditional agrarian institutions survived unaltered and rural social
structure remained gtable (Houston and Snell 1984; Unde 1980).
The theories were also accused of neglecting the economic role of
urban cennes. Although Deyon and Mendels acknowledged that 'the
entire handicraft sector was organized or coordinated from the town',
they appear to have regarded proto-industry as exclusively the rural
component of this handicraft sector (Mendels 1982: 78). This is one
aspect of the theories of proto-industrialization which has been most
strongly criticized. An imponant current of thought argues that large
urban export industries, or those involving centralized production units,
should also be included under the rubric of proto-industrialization
(Cerman 1993; Hohenberg l99l; Poni 1985).
A final major criticism focussed on factory industialization and deindustialization, and questioned the role of proto-industrialization in
preparing the way for industrialization. It was widely acknowledged by
both proponents and critics of the *reories of proto-industrializadon that
de-industrialization and a retum to agriculrure were a not infrequent
outcome in proto-industrial regions. According to the critics, this fact
removed a great deal of the empirical content from any theory about
proto-industrialization,
especially since the factors which decided
whether a proto-industrial region would industrialize or de-industrialize
remained largely unclear (Clarkson 1985: 34ff; Houston and Snell 1984:
488ff; cf. on this the contribution by Clarkson in the present volume).
Each of the mechanisns by which proto-industrialization is supposed
to have led to industrialization was shown to have weak empirical and
theoretical bases. Research showed that the demographic effects of
proto-industrialization were extremely various, as was its impact on the
fragmentation of landholdings (as is acknowledged in Kriedte, Medick
and Schlumbohm 1993: 219ff, 226fr). Proto-industrialization appearsto
have been only one of many sources of capital for industrialization, and
in some cases proto-industrial profits flowed into agriculture, landholding, or socio-political invesmrents. Proto-industrialization was also
only one of many sources of entrepreneurial skills for industrialization,
The theoriesof proto-industrialization
II
place in such a constraining framework that it did
and sornetimes took
of the appropriate entrepreneurial skills at
development
the
not involve
there
is
no
evidence
that it was proto-industrialization
all. Furthermorei
of
commercial
agriculfi,rre, rather than
development
the
to
which led
gXowth
led
to
the
of
both proto-industries
which
surpluses
agriculrural
developed in
Commercial
agriculture
towns
and
cities.
and crucially
proto-industry,
not
always
in
neighbouring
*ran
and
earlier
many cases
regions. In many proto-industrial regions these mechanisms themselves
cannot have operated, since they did not industrialize, but rather stayed
proto-industrial or moved back to agriculture, and there is no agreement
about what factors decided whether a proto-industry would generate the
'industrializing' mechanisms or not; thus the predictive
appropriate
power of the theory is greatly reduced (Clarkson 1985; Houston and
Snell 1984; Hudson 1990; Mokyr 1976).
The theories of proto-industrialization thus touch upon almost every
aspect of pre-industrial society: people's thoughts and motivations, their
sexual and family behaviour, their use of time in work and play, their
ownership of land and equipment, their standard of living and nutrition,
*reir inequalities and conflicts, the social institutions which they used
@ut were also constrained by) in the attempt to sureive and the
mechanisms by which their society and economy gradually changed
between c. 1500 and c. 1800. Around each of these fields of preindustrial Europeans' Iives, the theories of proto-industrialization have
put forward daring hypotheses, which have aroused lively and often
acrimonious debate. In different ways, all of these debates are discussed
in the chapters of this book. However) most chapters place special
emphasis on those issueswhich are crucial for understanding a particular
European society. This is only appropriate, given that, in the early
modem period just as today, Europe was a continent with a rich range of
regional differences, as well as an equally rich array ofshared concerns.
Among these shared concerns are social inequality, demographic change
and economic well being. How these evolved in Europe benveen the
medieval period and the nineteenth century continues to be illuminated
by the debate about proto-industrialization.
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15 Proto-industrialization, economic development and social

Prof. Dr. Bernd Herzogenrath - Goethe

MEDITERRANEI