The Brussels Europe
PRESS CLUB
m a g a z i n e
april 2014 - n°3
Focus on Greece - Focus sur la Grèce
The Mediterranean culture - La culture du Med
Ukraine under siege
Le respect des droit humains en Europe
Le sommet Eu-Afrique - Eu-Africa Summit
Press Club
Brussels
Europe
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table of contents - table des matières
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Photos events at the Press Club Brussels Europe
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News from the media world I Nouvelles du monde des média
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In memory of Nelson Mandela - Free press in Europe - AEJ Congress
Freedom of the press and human rights in Europe: Turkey and Ukraine
100 ans de radio en Belgique
Uniting expat and native through radio
World catches up with safety crisis in journalism
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The diplomatic pouch ı La valise diplomatique
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Tunisie: la nouvelle constitution
Point of view: Inese Vaidere on the situation in Ukraine
Ukraine: day before… the war?
Voices from Ukraine
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ACP
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4th Africa-Eu Summit: goodwill and projects
4eme Sommet Eu-Afrique: en dessous des attentes
Mobilité, effectivité, transition…messages clés pour Eufor RCA
“Nous sommes tous Ubuntu”
Coopération entre Europe et Afrique: un combat entre David et Goliath
Haïti: 4 ans après le tremblement de terre
Growing up as an African refugee on American soil
Les Caraïbes : un livre par Viktor Sukup
Trade, international relations and the future of the ACP
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EUROPE
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Human rights in Europe: the EU should set the example
Human rights in Europe: tug-of-war in Latvia
Human rights in Europe: The problem of non-citizens
Human rights in Europe: Palestine, la trahison européenne
Le message du Sommet défense
Serbie-Ue: l’Europe hisse le drapeau serbe
Europe should not forget heating and cooling
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ART & CULTURE
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Nautilus: an exhibition for the Hellenic presidency
Exhibition for the “year of the Med”: Greece and Italy
“A taste of molecules”: book presentation
Visit Brussels
Les lieux europeens : Place Flagey
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Editorial address: The Press Club Brussels Europe Magazine, Rue Froissart 95 - 1000 Brussels - Belgium - secretary@pressclub.be.
Editor: Maria Laura Franciosi
Editorial contributors: Dafydd ab Iago, Martin Banks, Jean Boole, Maria Laura Franciosi, Nicolas Gros-Verheyde, Odile Harvey, Leonor Hubaut, Ngalula Beatrice Kabutakapua, Jean
Claude Nkubito, Bruno Mariani, Loreline Merelle, Carlo Peano, Aloui Rabeb, Ernest Sagaga, Owen Stafford, Viktor Sukup, Sergiy Voropayev
Photos: Bruno Mariani, Marco Scoccianti (from Ukraine)
Layout and print:
Idealogy Sprl.
Publishing and distribution: Press Club Brussels Europe. For reproduction of any texts or photos permission must be sought directly from the copyright holders.
Disclaimer: The content engages only the responsibility of the writers
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Photos Press Club Brussels Europe
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1. Ambassador Arif Havas Oegroseno, Republic of Indonesia - 2. Mr Wang Chaowen, Director, Xinhua - 3. Mme Afsane’ Bassir, Director UNRIC 4. Mr Dario Scannapieco, vice president EIB and Mr Gian-Maria Gros-Pietro, president of the board of Banca Intesa-S.Paolo
5. Ambassador E. Masozera, Rwanda - 6. Dimitris Kourkoulas, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece, and Kostantinos Pappas, press attache’
of the Greek Permanent Representation - 7. Associazione teatrale “Angelo Musco”, Catania, Sicily, performing at the Press Club - 8. Mr Bayu
Krisnamurti, Vice Minister of Trade, Republic of Indonesia - 9. Mr Alex Puissant, journalist
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10. M. Claudio Scimone, Italian conductor, “I Solisti Veneti” - 11. Mme Maria Arena, senatrice belge - 12. Mr Guy Verhofstadt et Mr Hannes
Swoboda, MEPs - 13. Mme Yang Yanvi, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to the Eu and the Kingdom of Belgium - 14. Le
photographe persan Reza, devant une de ses photos au vernissage de son exposition au Press Club Brussels Europe
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15. M. Reza avec l’Ambassadeur de la Representation Permanente de la Francophonie M. Xavier Michel et son epouse - 16. M. Nicos Aligas,
TF1 et le photographe Vassilis Artikos - 17. Meeting WIIS - 18. M. Christos Doulkeridis, secretaire d’etat pour la Region bruxelloise, et Jenny
Rindin - 19. Mrs Diane Fresquez et M. Xavier Rennotte
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News from the media world
Nouvelles du monde des média
In memory of Nelson Mandela
Freedom of the press and human rights in
Europe: Turkey and Ukraine
“A critical, independent and investigative press is the lifeblood
of any democracy. The press must be free from state interference. It must have the economic strength to stand up to the
blandishments of government officials. It must have sufficient
independence from vested interests to be bold and inquiring
without fear or favour. It must enjoy the protection of the constitution, so that it can protect our rights as citizens”
The freedom of the press is under mounting attack and it is an
issue the EU should not “shirk away” from tackling.
That was the key message to emerge from a debate on the media
in the European Parliament which heard startling evidence of attacks on the press, not just in places like Russia where 14 journalists are said to have been murdered since Vladimir Putin came to
power but the EU’s own backyard.
The debate on 28 January heard that one of the worst offenders
at present is Turkey, an EU accession country, where problems of
media freedom came to the limelight of global media channels
during last summer’s Gezi Park protests.
A popular anecdote is that the main television broadcasters in the
country did not show the mass protests and the police violence
on the streets, but broadcast a penguin documentary instead.
Finnish MEP Eija-Riitta Korhola, who chaired the discussion, said
a reported 70-80 journalists were fired or forced to take leave during the unrest, and at least 64 journalists were imprisoned during
the first weeks of the protests. Also foreign media outlets were
publicly attacked by the government.
She said, “The alarming situation has only worsened after the
protests, and we have witnessed heated anti-press rhetoric, the
firing of leading journalists, threats to restrict online speech, and
a series of physical and legal assaults.”
The event heard that Turkey is, at the moment, the world’s “biggest prison” for journalists, and imprisoned more journalists (49)
this year than China and Iran, for example.Turkey has fallen six
places to be the 154th in the World Press Freedom Index.
The MEP said that news about journalists being ill-treated or killed
was emerging on a daily basis.
“Today, for example, we have heard of Pakistani media workers
killed by the Taleban. But we do not even have to go beyond Europe to hear the devastating news.”
One such example, she said, was her own country, Finland, “one
of the champions of media freedom in the world.”
“For instance,” she said, “the interpretation of the new Freedom
of Expression in Mass Media Act has raised some controversy, and
there have been several recent court cases and verdicts concerning the media, which have been considered questionable.”
But this is nothing compared with Ukraine where, most recently,
journalists came under fire during the violent street protests.
Another speaker, James Wilson, director of the Brussels-based EUUkraine Business Council, called on the the European Parliament
to send observers to Ukraine to monitor and report on the treatment of journalists reporting the crisis.
He said, “The observers should be equipped with video
cameras,surveillance equipment and protection to enable them
to publish their own independent reports or publication by live
internet feed.”
Nelson Mandela at the International Press Institute
Congress, 14 February 1994
MEP Renate Weber (ALDE, RO) on standard
settings for media freedom across the EU
“Any attack against a journalist should be considered an
attack against media freedom and against EU citizens’
right to be informed. Basic standards, such as journalistic and editorial independence, should not be missing
from any newsroom. It is of great importance to have in
each EU country a transparent and stable legislation that
would protect journalists and their mission as watch-dogs
of society”. “Unfortunately it is wrong to assume that when
a right is granted, it will never be violated.”
General Assembly of the Association
of European Journalists (AEJ)
The Association of European Journalists (AEJ) gathered
for its 51st annual Congress and General Assembly in the
PressClub Brussels-Europe, on November 22-24.
“We need transparency of media ownership. We need to prevent excessive media concentration. We need rules to address
conflicts of interests resulting from the amalgamation of political office and control over media outlets. We need independence of media supervisory bodies and journalists to keep all
of us informed and politicians and public officials in check”.
More than 80 participants from 27 European countries
took part in a lively discussion about the congress theme:
“Journalism and democracy in a time of flux…”.
The event was organised by N. Peter Kramer, President of
the PCBE and AEJ International representative in Brussels.
Elija-Ritta Korhola, MEP, Finland
He added, “The Parliament should also empower Ukrainian
journalists by encouraging training and mentoring by their international colleagues and by providing start-up funding to enable
them both to purchase the necessary equipment for them to
operate independently, and to facilitate the operation of online
internet news portals.”
The plight of the press in Bahrain was also outlined at the meeting, which heard that the country ranks even below Turkey, and
many others as 165th in the world for press freedom according to
“Reporters Without Borders”.
This means that the country has fallen 66 places over the last four
years. In the Freedom House “Freedom of the Press” report Bahrain has the score of 86/100, which places it among the bottom ten
countries in the world. Altogether, 44 journalists and 22 media outlets have had their travel restricted to Bahrain since February 2011.
Journalists, bloggers and other social media users are “intimidated, arrested, harassed, and tortured on a regular basis.”
Korhola said, “The media outlets are state-controlled, and if not,
they practice nevertheless great self-censorship. This has opened
a space for most reporting being done by amateurs, social media.
Nevertheless, a single tweet can cause five years of imprisonment
or a fine of up to 10,000 euro.”
Faisal Abbas, Editor-in-Chief of Al Arabiya News, said that, globally,
press freedom was “extremely limited”, adding, “In general, the
situation is deteriorating.”
Although the picture was “bleak” he said that with more firm support from the EU and the rest of the international community it
was “far from being hopeless.”
Martin Banks
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News from the media world
Nouvelles du monde des média
100 ans de radio en Belgique
Un livre ‘100 ans de radio en Belgique’ et une exposition à
Tour and Taxis à Bruxelles célèbrent ces jours-ci le premier
siècle de la radiophonie belge avec images, souvenirs, appareils, photos, extraits de films et surtout des extraits sonores
qui ont fait l’histoire de la radio de ce pays. La radio est un
des seuls medias à être présent partout: à la maison, dans la
voiture, au travail et, même quand on se promène, elle peut
nous accompagner.
Le livre, par Philippe Caufriez, Brice Depasse et Nicolas Gaspard (La Renaissance du livre, 256 pp, 29,90 €), nous conduit
à travers l’histoire de ce média dont la vitalité continue à
nous émerveiller, poussée par les avancées technologiques,
le changement des styles de vie et l’évolution des goûts.
Quoiqu’elle soit la raison, la radio est toujours là ayant réussi à s’adapter aux goûts de tous, ménagères à la maison
et jeunes passionnés de sports ou de musique, citoyens
voulant participer aux débats radiophoniques avec leurs
questions et business-people désireux de connaître les
dernières cotations à la Bourse.
La radio en Belgique a toujours eu un penchant social, visant
à lier également les différentes communautés du pays, avec
leurs langues et traditions. Les immigrés italiens des charbonnages se rappellent encore de l’émission de l’aprèsguerre le dimanche matin “Buona domenica” qui renvoyait
les nouvelles des communautés dans les différentes cités
minières du pays. La radio de proximité a toujours eu en
Belgique ses “fans”, les gens considéraient ce média comme
“le leur”. Et voilà qu’en 1978 ce “petit pays” comptait déjà
16 radios privées.
L’histoire de la radio en Belgique commence en 1914, avec
la diffusion de concerts depuis les installations du Château
de Laeken. La radio s’appelait (bien sur!) Radio Belgique.
En 1930 fut créé l’Institut National de Radio-diffusion, le
service public national. Un bâtiment spécial fut construit à
la Place Flagey pour accueillir les orchestres et les experts
de sons. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale le “paquebot”
de Flagey accueillera l’orchestre symphonique de la RTBF
jusqu’à 1991 quand la folie suicidaire des rénovateurs de la
capitale décida d’abattre le bâtiment-phare de la radio belge. Heureusement que les citoyens, belges et étrangers confondus, ont entamé à l’époque une campagne acharnée qui
a réussi à sauver le bâtiment, devenu maintenant une des
édifices symboliques de la Place Flagey (voire aussi l’article
sur la Place Flagey dans ce magazine).
A l’époque des premiers journaux parlés radiophoniques en
1926, les reportages étaient en direct (comme l’enregistreur
n’existait pas encore), ce n’est que bien plus tard à l’occasion
des événements de Mai 68 à Paris que l’on découvrit les reportages sur le terrain. En 1981 la publicité à la radio fut
lancée et des radios privées commencèrent à se développer.
La guerre des ondes suivra avec des émissions pour tous
et pour tous les goûts. Les radios généralistes étaient nées.
MLF
Uniting expat and native through Radio
Can Radio be a unifying force? Bringing people of different
backgrounds together? Well let’s look at the case of Brussels
- a city made up of both natives and a significant number of
expatriates.
One could argue that many expats are simply passing through
- working here for a couple of years, getting Brussels onto
their CVs. Then they move on to a bigger career somewhere
else, sometimes back to their native country. However on the
contrary it’s also true that many expats stay for life. Some do
venture outside the so-called “EU bubble” to integrate and
ingratiate themselves with the Bruxellois/Belgian life and culture. But do they still feel a bit disconnected when it comes
to local and regional life…is there more communication
needed? Well this is where radio above all mediums can enter
to facilitate this communication.
But why radio as opposed to other mediums -TV, print
journalism, other social media tools? “Radio has had a resurgence in popularity. It’s the cheapest form of communicating and is the easiest form to receive as an end user,“
says Paul Heath who heads up Radio X, the only all English
speaking, independent commercial radio station in Belgium currently. The ethos behind Radio X is, according to
Mr Heath, based on 3 pillars: to entertain, to engage and to
inform. In this case all 3 apply to locally produced content
about Brussels/Belgium and then delivering this to English
speaking expatriates.
In setting up Radio X, Paul Heath saw this as necessary for
the adaption and inclusion of the English-speaking expatriate society into Belgium. Emphasising the need to con-
nect the 2 societies he says: “Brussels is the EU capital, the
epicentre for the EU Parliament, Commission, Council and
many business headquarters. The number of expats and
people who speak English as a second language is significant. There is this expat bubble that is disconnected from
the national Belgian world. As an expat I felt the need to
cross that bridge and connect with your local national community and vice versa and the power of radio is unique and
well proven in doing this.”
With the advances made in the IT world, radio stations are
not just confined to the airwave frequencies. Radio X is currently an online, digital station, although as Mr Heath points
out: “Radio X started as an internet radio station but doesn’t
aim to just stay there, but stay there with an FM licence”,
demonstrating his determination in pursuing an FM licence
from the Belgian broadcasting bodies. Despite this, internet radio has increased greatly in popularity, which in turns
leads to a greater chance for breaking down cultural barriers, in Belgium at least through radio (and stations such as
Radio X) and finding new audiences and markets. “The 2012
statistics show that 1 in 5 adults over 21 years old listens to
internet radio. Now 2 in 5 persons over 16 regularly listen
to online radio. That’s 40%, which is phenomenal. Radio is
finding new audiences through I-phones, internet, tablets
with wifi or Ethernet,” elaborates Mr Heath.
So what about the future role for radio, especially in the
case of Belgium, where its unifying force is linking expats
to local communities? What is needed for such unifiers is
support from the powers that be, says Paul Heath. “The
Government and the official bodies should be proud to say
that they have a local English speaking commercial station
that’s a bridge between expats and natives. They should be
supporting this. We’re not just an expat station turning a
blind eye to Belgium. It’s about the listener getting the most
out of their Belgian experience.”
With many events happening here in Belgium in the near future such as World War One commemorations and with Mons
becoming one of the EU Capitals of Culture next year, there is a
huge opportunity presenting itself to connect expats to their local areas and in which having an international English speaking
station could prove to be of huge benefit to both sides.
Owen Stafford
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Nouvelles du monde des média
World catches up with safety
crisis in journalism
In its report entitled ‘In Mortal Danger, Journalists and Media Staff Killed in 2013’ published in February, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) detailed killings of 105
journalists and media staff recorded last year. The civil war
in Syria, the armed insurgency in Pakistan and the sectarian
violence in Iraq account for most of the killings with 15, 11
and 13 killings respectively.
It may be tempting to explain away these horrendous killings by violence inherent in bloody conflicts, but this would
be misleading and short sighted. Indeed, countries with
relative political stability such as India and the Philippines
aren’t any safer for journalists as they share a gloomy death
toll of ten murders a piece. Seven more died in Somalia,
victims of the ongoing lawlessness in the country while political strife in Egypt claimed six. There were fewer killings in
other countries, including Brazil, Honduras, Colombia and
Russia. It is worth noting that, despite a 10% decrease from
the 2012 death tally, the levels of violence remain unacceptably high and 2013 has been another bloody year for journalists and media staff.
These figures add to more than 1000 journalists and media
staff killed since the IFJ began publishing its annual reports
on violence against media professionals in 1990. They tell
stories of deaths and tragedies which have made journalism one of the most perilous professions in recent decades,
both in war and peace times.
There was, however, a glimmer of hope that the world is beginning to grasp the gravity of the safety crisis in journalism.
On 18 December 2013, the UN General Assembly in New
York adopted a resolution establishing an International Day
to end impunity for crimes against journalists.
The UN Day will be marked on 2 November, a date on which
two French reporters Ghislain Dupont and Claude Verlon
of Radio France Internationale were murdered by militants
in the northern city of Kindal in Mali. The French authorities were quick to join the chorus of condemnation of these
murders and Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius regretted
that, while in the past the press label offered protection to
journalists, it has now become a target in armed conflicts.
Ernest Sagaga
News from the media world
In subsequently interviews with French media, he said that
France had proposed the date for the UN Day to end impunity for crimes against journalists to send a strong message
for media protection but he acknowledged it was largely a
symbolic gesture. After all, UN General Assembly resolutions are not binding on Member States.
The IFJ firmly believes that only effective implementation
of the already considerable body of domestic and international law will make a difference to the lives of journalists all
around the world. This, in turn, requires that declarations
and resolutions at the global level are translated into concrete measures at the national level.
This latest resolution comes seven years after the adoption
of another Security Council resolution 1738 adopted unanimously on 23 December 2006, urging governments to respect the rights and professional independence of journalists. Contrary to the UN General Assembly, Member States
are bound by the Security Council resolutions and the resolution was hailed as a historic UN action to fight impunity
for killings of journalists and media staff. Unfortunately, the
ensuing years have been marked by consistently high levels
of violence targeting journalists in scant disregard for the
lofty recommendations of the Security Council.
The current safety crisis in media calls for unprecedented
political commitment to address in an uncompromising
manner the issue of impunity for attacks on journalists. It
is well passed the time for symbolic political gestures, however well meaning. For far too long, men of violence have
been only too happy to call the world community’s bluff because there was no credible willingness to enforce the rule
of law. That needs to change very drastically and quickly.
It is time to face the uncomfortable reality that killings of
journalists are about much more than silencing the truth.
They also threaten democratic rule and in the process jeopardise public trust in the leadership.
The media death toll of 2013 confirms the abject failure of
governments – so far - to hold accountable those who are
responsible for violence against journalists and media, making impunity for attacks on media professionals the single
biggest contributor to safety crisis in media.
The IFJ estimates that, out of ten violent incidents targeting
a journalist, only one gets investigated. As the largest journalists’ organisations in the world, the International Federation of Journalists takes the issue of safety in media very
seriously since, more often than not, the victims of violence
are likely to be our members.
That is why we campaigned long and hard to ensure that
governments live up to their international obligations to
protect journalists by preventing, prosecuting and punishing all forms of violence in journalism. We also promote
the respect for journalists’ rights through the UN system,
working closely with the leading agencies such as UNESCO
and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
to ensure that international pressure is brought to bear on
governments with poor track record on press freedom.
We do so in strong belief that the UN is the custodian of
all international legal instruments, namely the international
human rights law and the humanitarian law which provide
guarantees for the protection of life, physical safety and liberty to civilians, including journalists.
This is a challenging endeavour as criticism is not always
welcomed, however genuine and deserved or constructive.
But, through collaboration with other press freedom organisations and sustained engagement with governments,
regional and global institutions, we have succeeded in placing the issue of the safety of journalists firmly on the international policy agenda.
The resolution of the UN General Assembly establishing the
International Day to end impunity for crimes against journalists is the latest in a series of welcome initiatives in favour
of greater media protection. The UN had signalled earlier its
statement of intent to be more pro-active in promoting the
safety of journalists by launching the UN Action Plan on the
safety of journalists and the issue of impunity in November
2012. This was followed up by another report by the Office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in September
2013 on the good practices in protecting journalists.
Furthermore, the new UN Day represents a higher degree of
understanding at the highest levels of the world body about
the threat to a tolerant and a progressive society if genuine
press freedom, one of the pillars of a credible democratic
rule, remains under attack.
Ernest Sagaga
Head of Human Rights and Safety Department of the
International Federation of Journalists, a Brussels- based
Journalists’ organisation.
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The diplomatic pouch
La valise diplomatique
La nouvelle constitution tunisienne :
le souffle de la révolution
Trois ans après la révolution du 14 Janvier 2011, la constitution
tunisienne a été adoptée par l’assemblée constituante la soirée
du 26 janvier 2014. Composée de 164 articles et 10 chapitres,
cette constitution était saluée par plusieurs partis politiques
tunisiens ainsi que des organisations internationales.
Adoptée avec 200 voix des députés de l’assemblée constituante, la nouvelle constitution tunisienne a énoncé le caractère civil de l’Etat dans l’article 2, la liberté de conscience
dans l’article 6, la parité entre femme et homme dans
l’article 46, et la décentralisation territoriale. Ces principes
ont fait l’objet de longs débats au sein de l’assemblée constituante, ainsi Lobna Jribi députée du parti Ettakatol a considéré que cette nouvelle constitution donnera l’espoir au
tunisiens, malgré les difficultés qu’a connu le pays durant
les deux dernières années surtout avec les deux assassinats
politiques de Chokri Belaid le 6 février 2013 et de Mohamed
Brahmi le 25 juillet 2013.
Pour Mongi Rahoui, député du front populaire, cette constitution pourrait être une garantie d’un Etat démocratique.
En dehors de l’assemblée constituante, les opinions des citoyens tunisiens sur la nouvelle constitution sont diverses.
Nasser Mokni, membre de l’Association Tunisienne pour
l’Intégrité et la Démocratie des Elections ( ATIDE), considère que «cette constitution est le fruit d’un débat de société
ouvert et libre et elle reflète la diversité des tunisiens et leur
attachement à la modération, elle représente une bonne
partie du chemin dans le bon sens ». Quant à Neila ben
Harbi, enseignante retraitée, «les lois restent les mêmes, très
répressives et comportant des failles dangereuses, et il est
difficile de savoir si la vie du citoyen va changer. Il faudrait d’abord qu’on arrive sains et saufs aux élections».
Pour Myriam, une jeune étudiante à la faculté des sciences
juridiques, cette nouvelle constitution a jeté les bases de la
démocratie et a apporté plus de droits à la femme tunisienne. Cette position n’est pas partagée par Zied ben Yedder, un jeune diplômé depuis 2006 qui cherche encore de
l’emploi. Selon lui, il ne faut pas se contenter des lois et des
textes juridiques mais il faut attendre l’application de ces
lois. «La vie des tunisiens – il ajoute - ne changera pas
avec une constitution mais avec une vraie volonté de la
part des politiciens pour faire changer les choses».
Point of view: Inese Vaidere, MEP from Latvia,
talks about the situation in Ukraine
L’organisation des élections, une nécessite
urgente.
L’Assemblée Constituante a élu les membres de l’instance
supérieure indépendante pour les élections (l’ISIE) le 8
janvier 2014, créée en vertu du Décret-loi n° 2011-27. Cette instance va organiser les prochaines élections, et selon
certains citoyens du gouvernatorat de l’Ariana, il faut attendre l’organisation des ces élections pour savoir si la Tunisie
va bien démarrer. Pour eux la constitution est garantie de
droits et libertés certes, mais le plus important ce sont les
élections libres et transparentes. Pour d’autres citoyens du
même gouvernatorat, le nouveau gouvernement de Mehdi Jomaa, un gouvernement d’indépendants, constitue un
pas vers la stabilité mais ils insistent aussi sur l’obligation
d’organiser des élections.
Chafik Sarsar, président de l’ISIE, a déclaré ainsi que les
élections ne peuvent se tenir avant Octobre 2014, car il faut
attendre d’abord l’adoption de la nouvelle loi électorale.
Aloui Rabeb
vide financial support to Ukraine worth 11bn euro, which it
needs to avoid default.
2. Which lessons should the EU draw from the
Ukrainian crisis since the Vilnius summit when
the proposed membership to the EU Eastern Partnership was rejected by President Yanukovych?
Inese Vaidere
MEP Inese Vaidere, a member of the European Parliament for
the Group of the European People’s Party (2004-2014), is an
economist and has been a member of the Latvian Parliament
First of all, a lot needs to be done within the Eastern Partnership itself. So far, I have to admit there remains lack of the common position on the Neighbourhood policy within all Member
States. Also the Eastern partnership policy should be adjusted
to assist the countries in the transition period of the implementation of the Association agreement with the EU. The lessons
learned from the Eastern Partnership after the Vilnius summit
have been summarised in the EP resolution of 12 December
2013 “Outcome of the Vilnius Summit and the future of the
Eastern Partnership, in particular as regards Ukraine”. Currently we are also working on assessing and setting priorities for
the post-Vilnius EU relationships with our Eastern neighbours.
1. What impressed you most about the opponents
occupying Maidan, Independence square in
Kiev since last November?
3. Late French General de Gaulle talked about “Europe from the Atlantic ocean to the Ural Mountains. Is de Gaulle’s vision still relevant today
and what might be its implications for the EU
Neighbourhood and Enlargement policies?
There are not many countries in Europe where the people
have gone out in the streets protesting with two flags in
their hands - that of their country and, what is more surprising, one with the blue and yellow-starred EU flag. Evidently,
the negative emotions among the people towards the state
leadership and oligarchs in the country have been mounting for a long while, possibly since the Orange revolution
in 2004 after which the elected leaders failed to bring the
changes the people had expected. However, it was the Association Agreement with the EU that triggered the motivation for hundreds of thousands of people to take to the
streets all over the country to demonstrate in favour of
European integration. Therefore, I am convinced that it is
our duty in the EU to offer our Eastern neighbours not only
the Association Agreement but also to give them clear EU
integration perspective. In the meantime, the EU will pro-
De Gaulle’s historical anticipation of a Europe extending
“from the Atlantic to the Urals” has to be seen as a reminder
that European Union’s policies should be based on a longterm vision. At the peak of the Cold War, de Gaulle hoped
that one day the Soviet communist regime would fall, as it
eventually did. However, his vision cannot be taken as a roadmap for the European integration for the simple reason that
Russia extends to the Pacific Ocean, so it could never become
part of European project. It is telling that Russia never wanted
to become part of EU’s Neighbourhood policy. However, for
all other European countries, including Ukraine, we have
to send a clear message that the EU will stick to the Lisbon
Treaty. It states that any European state which respects the
European values and is committed to promoting them may
apply to become a member of the Union, if it fulfils the accession criteria. This was also confirmed by the European Parlia-
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The diplomatic pouch
ment in its resolution on the situation in Ukraine, adopted on
27 February. Along with the imminent measures to be taken
by the EU in order to support the new government in Kiev,
we also wanted to send an encouraging message to Ukrainian
people by stressing that the Association Agreement does not
constitute the final goal in the EU-Ukraine cooperation.
4. What are now the main challenges ahead of the
Eastern partnership and the EU - Russia strategic
partnership?
The EU remains Russia’s number one trading partner amounting to 40.9% of total trade. Likewise, Europe is a very attractive
market for Russia’s exports, particularly energy products and
raw materials. However, I would not go as far as calling Russia the EU’s “strategic partner” despite the official rhetoric. The
negotiations of a New Agreement for the EU-Russia strategic
partnership to update and replace the existing Partnership and
Co-operation Agreement of 1994 have already taken several
years and at the moment have reached a deadlock also due to
the damaging trade-restrictive measures introduced by Russia.
In 2011 when working on an EP report about the New EU-Russia agreement, I expressed a great hope that the EU – Russia
summit in 2012 will provide some breakthrough in the bilateral
negotiations on the new Agreement. It did not and neither did
any of the subsequent summits. Thus at the moment I dare say
that there is a rather prolonged “strategic pause” in the bilateral
relations between the EU and Russia. The main challenges, as
far as I am convinced, at the moment is to resolve the current
trade disputes in order to restore a positive climate for the commercial relations between Russia and the EU. To start with, Russia must stop subsidies for domestic industries and restrictions
on foreign goods, including those from our Eastern partnership
countries that are not compliant with the WTO standards.
5. Given the important Russian naval base in Sebastopol and the return of Moslem Tatars, how
do you view the future of the strategic autonomous region of Crimea?
When talking about the future of Crimea, people tend to look
back only as far as 1954 when Nikita Khrushchev ceded it to
Ukraine. However, it is necessary to remember that originally
Crimea was predominantly inhabited by the Tatars which now
make up only 12% of the population. Crimea was annexed by
Russia in 1783 and since then Crimean Tatars have been subject to political oppression and exploitation. Their numbers
dwindled from 5 million before the Russian rule to 300 000 in
the beginning of 20th Century. In 1944 Stalin deported nearly
La valise diplomatique
the entire Crimean Tatar population (approximately 200 000 at
that time) to Central Asia, predominantly Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Nearly 45% of the total Tatar population died in the
process of deportation. It was not until Ukraine gained independence in 1989 that the Crimean Tatars returned to their
homeland in large numbers. According to 2013 OSCE report,
around 266 000 Crimean Tatars have returned to Crimea since
1989. Despite the hardships that awaited them in Crimea, they
are univocal in their willingness to see Crimea as an integral part
of Ukraine. So this is the historic context in which we have to
see the current events in Crimea which are very worrying indeed. Crimea is part of Ukraine and should remain so. The EU
should unanimously condemn and react to Russian aggression
in Crimea by applying sanctions against Russia; we cannot allow
a repetition of Abkhazia or South-Ossetia’s scenario.
Ukraine: day before… the war?
In 1994 Russia, together with USA and UK,
became a guarantor of Ukrainian independence and territorial integrity in exchange for
Ukraine’s declining nuclear weapons.
If such commitments are violated after only
20 years, how could one expect to persuade
for instance Iran to stop its nuclear program?
Obviously, power is the biggest treasure for
the current Russian President.
Understanding this could help in designing
the necessary tools for preserving peace and
stability in Ukraine and in Europe in general.
Concrete measures such as political isolation
(without closing the door to negotiations),
targeted sanctions and reduced economic
cooperation could influence Moscow not to
escalate in the short-term.
6. Freed former PM Yulia Timoshenko emotionally
addressing the crowd on Maidan confessed that
all Ukrainian politicians were to be blamed and
needed to be forgiven. Some protesters claimed
that their rebellion is not just about Eurointegration but about ending a system of gangsters
and corruption. Please comment
The EU sanctions against those responsible for the bloody
violence in Kiev – asset freeze and visa ban into the EU that
the Foreign Affairs Council of the EU approved on 20 February must have been implemented immediately. The perpetrators will also have to be prosecuted and lawfully brought
to justice for their crimes against the Ukrainian nation. The
choice made by Ukrainian people is clear, they do not want
to slide back into the corrupt “business as usual” state of
affairs; they want to pursue closer relations with the EU, to
build Ukraine as a democratic and prosperous country. So in
this context, we have to remember that during the Orange
revolution, people had similar aspirations. However, it was
because of the inability of the political leaders of the Orange
revolution to find an agreement between them and to work
together for the better future of Ukraine that the Yanukovych
and “the family” succeeded to come to power. Therefore it is
important that the opposition finds an agreement between
them in order to build a peaceful and democratic country.
Interview by Odile Harvey
“Interview réalisée le 5 mars 2014 et ne prenant pas en
compte les évènements qui se sont déroulés après cette date”.
Only one month ago nobody in Ukraine could imagine
even in his darkest dreams that Russia would become an
enemy. Despite some problems with gas prices and the
Russian Black Sea fleet, Ukrainians perceived Russia mostly like a sister country. But this perception has changed
dramatically.
Even those who were always trying to draw a distinction
between the Russian authorities and the Russian people are
less and less convinced that there is any difference.
Probably we will never know the real reasons for the invasion of Crimea. Has it happened because of the danger
that the Russian President Vladimir Putin saw in the new
Ukrainian revolution for his own authoritarian regime? Has
he decided to persuade in such a way the new Ukrainian
government not to choose a European path or after some
success in different spheres (Syria, Olympic Games so on)
has he just felt himself all powerful?
The next step which could be considered is
the lifting of sanctions on Iranian oil. This
action would lead to a drop in oil prices and consecutively gas prices on the global market. The Russian economy
based not on modern technologies but predominantly on
the export of raw materials would swiftly feel the damage.
The Russian budget would lose the necessary income to
make all social payments which in turn would increase protest moods in the country.
Of course any restrictive or preventive measures have to be
taken not with the aim to punish in any way the Russian
population, but to increase pressure on the authorities in
order to start dialogue, withdraw soldiers to their barracks
and prevent a major war in Europe which could have the
potential to become the last one on Earth.
Anyway, the most important question is not why it happened but how to deal with it.
As far as Ukrainians are concerned, they have finally lost any
illusions about their neighbours. Recent developments have
convinced them of the need to continue their path to European and Euro-Atlantic integration. And even if at present
Ukrainian legislation does not foreseen NATO membership,
it will be obviously changed when the situation calms down.
The Russian invasion could create a very dangerous precedent for global security.
Sergiy Voropayev
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The diplomatic pouch
La valise diplomatique
Voices from Ukraine: Marina, Ulia, Tamara,
Andrei, Anonimous, Iryna, Olga
Some Ukrainian people living in Ukraine have replied to our
questions about their opinions on the events in Ukraine.
After a brief personal introduction to explain where they
live and their social position in Ukraine, we indicate:
• Their personal considerations regarding Maidan
• Their considerations on the socio-cultural composition of the Ukrainian people
• Their expectations on the future of the country
1. Marina, fashion designer, entrepreneur.
Originally from Lugansk, now lives in Kiev.
I am not a politically active person and didn’t go to Maidan.
However I support the movement and I think that Maidan
has been an important step in defeating the old regime. The
previous government massacred us; it always increased the
taxes and then stole the money. It is incredible that Yanukovich in 2014 had stolen 16 billion dollars for the state budget. I don’t trust the government that there is now because
they have already been in government and we know well
that they are the same. I think that we need an absolutely
new government with new personalities.
I cannot imagine the division of Ukraine. I’ve been living in
Kiev for some years but I am from Lugansk in eastern Ukraine
where I have all my relatives and friends. How can we separate? I know that in the east there are some people who really
want to join with Russia but they are few and usually lower
class. All my relatives, friends and acquaintances in eastern
Ukraine, and I have many, want to remain in a united Ukraine.
As regards language, I speak Russian and want to have the
possibility in Ukraine of speaking my language. However we
Ukrainians have always spoken two languages and we have
never had problems over language. I regard this discussion of
languages as a political manipulation.
2. Ulia, in charge of a department of analytics,
Kiev, originally from Kirovgrad
Regarding the Maidan, I can say that I have contradictory
views. On the one hand I am happy that the Ukrainian population has woken up and has become aware and capable of
fighting against the injustices, which the ex-president and
his government created. Among the people of the Maidan
there are really many heroes. But on the other hand I regret that the former government didn’t take the side of the
people and didn’t defend us; it was precisely for this that
we elected them. I’m pleased that the Maidan succeeded in
chasing Yanukovich out, however for me there is a negative
aspect, over 100 deaths is too high a price to pay!
As for the present government I would advice caution to see
what they will do, what team the will create because right
now they are moving in different directions. Let’s say that
they haven’t been ready for the present situation. To be able
to pass judgment I think that they need time to stabilise everything. However the question remains, “if not them, who?”
Considerations on pluralism: I am certain that the discussion
over separation must not be decided by Putin and by Russia. This the Ukrainians who live in the country must decide
by a vote, a vote in peaceful conditions and not with a knife
at their throats. My opinion is that Ukraine should remain
united. As for language, it doesn’t matter to me, all three are
ok, Ukrainian, Russian and English. I speak all these languages
even if my family in everyday life, use Russian.
Ukraine must, above all, remain united and independent,
but we can cooperate with everybody in the interests of our
country.
3. Tamara, a voice from small and medium
sized enterprises, has a small publishing
house. She lives in Kirovgrad though originally from Hmelntsky
The Maidan is for me the symbol of civil society and of the
civil positions in the social structure. And this is positive.
The negative side is that the government has not reacted,
has not listened to what the people were saying. It was so
secure of its power, without understanding that the people
weren’t going to go away (from the Maidan) but were going
to remain to the bitter end.
I still cannot pass judgment on the present government
because at present they have had still too little time and
it’s not even formed. Every government needs time to do
something. They have inherited a budget with a huge hole
in it. I feel sorry for them!
Obviously Ukraine should be united and indivisible. All the
Crimea there are many persons linked to Russia. There are
many discussions but one thing on which we are unanimous is that we want PEACE – this we all absolutely want.
Unfortunately, due to the Russian military forces in Crimea
our summer tourist season will be lost. Tourism is our only
means of support.
I don’t trust the people who are at present in the government in Kiev, they’ve already been there. And I don’t expect anything good from them. I hope it all ends soon and
peacefully.
5. Andrei, information technolog y, originally
from Crimea, now lives in Kiev
stories of persecution are not true. I was born in eastern
Ukraine, live in the centre, speak Russian at home and in
communications on an official level, I use Ukrainian. Nobody wants to eliminate Russian, nor any other language.
We publish newspapers and books in various languages.
The people who don’t work attribute their inaction to
bans which do not exist. I publish books in Russian and in
Ukrainian.
The most important thing for the future of Ukraine is that
everyone must be equal under the law and that there is no
corruption. It is precisely corruption that has led to the revolt at the Maidan. Equality begins with everyday matters. I
want the country to have European values, inspired by what
is just and legitimate. The government mustn’t worry about
its political image but must tackle real problems such as the
economy, culture, education and so on. The citizen must be
appreciated for his work not for the political party to which
he belongs.
I would like there to be loans available to enable the middle class to develop. People who work must have a just
and worthy return for their effort. I would like the regions
to develop more and not only millionaire cities. I want a
decent life for my fellow citizens and I hope that land will
not be sold by Ukraine. I would like our traditions and our
mentality to retain their identity and their spiritual value:
everything must be protected by the state.
4. Anonimous, owner of a small Internet point,
Simferopol, Crimea
Speaking of the Crimea, my opinion is that the Crimea
should be an autonomous republic of Ukraine. There in
The Maidan as a movement was very beautiful but it was ugly
that there have been deaths and everything has become radicalised because the former government didn’t react.
I have just come back from Crimea where all my relatives
live. I can say that cities like Feodossia and Sevastopol
where the Russian military bases are concentrated and
where the Russian officers live, these cities obviously speak
Russian, whereas other cities further from the Russian bases
are more aware and speak more of the autonomy of the
Ukraine. As regards the Tatars of Crimea, they are categorically opposed to Russia and want to remain in Ukraine.
Speaking of languages in Crimea, the population rightly
wants Russian. In all Crimea, if I’m not mistaken, there is
only one Ukrainian school. In my school there was only one
class in Ukrainian. It would not be logical to impose Ukrainian. (Insofar as there are cities, such as Sebastopol, which
grew historically due to the presence of Russian soldiers, invited there, initially, to do military service and then they remained. These cities are therefore Russophile, because they
are composed for the most part by Russian immigrants. The
other cities, instead, those inhabitated by Ukrainians by origin talk of wanting to remain an autonomous Ukrainian region, others still with a greater presence of Ukrainian Tatars
want to be fully in the Ukraine, editor’s note).
The present government: the Ukrainian government allows for
a fragile but in general positive hope, whilst the present government in Crimea, considering how it has been formed and
analysing its latest actions, seems to me obviously negative.
Speaking of the Crimean population, I would say that it is
divided 50:50 between Russophiles and those who instead
want to remain in Ukraine.
In the future Ukraine I would like to see unity without federalisation, multi-lingual and pro-European.
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The diplomatic pouch
La valise diplomatique
First in Business
6. Iryna, engineer, Kiev
For me, the Maidan is the spirit of the true Ukraine. This phenomenon reminded us who we are, it has awakened a rebel
spirit in us. I have never been so proud to be Ukrainian.
The Maidan is not a movement for Europe, but a movement
for the values that Europe spreads. It is a movement against
an individual and his entourage, an individual who succeeded
in destroying everything in our country – politics, the economy, culture. He has destroyed everything but he has forgotten the indestructible spirit of the Ukrainian people that is
accustomed to suffer but when enough is enough, reacts.
The present government leads me to have contradictory
ideas: on the one hand I don’t trust the same faces, the
same personalities. However at present I support the major
part of their actions in the present very difficult situation. I
obviously consider Ukraine indivisible. We live in the 21st
century and no one is permitted to enter the territory of
another country and to occupy a part of it. I realise that
there are persons who want to live in Russia. They have all
the right to move and live in Russia above all now that Putin
gives everybody Russian passports. However in the occupied area there are people, not less than half, who want to
remain in Ukraine and those, let’s call them “half ”, certainly
have the right to remain in Ukraine seeing that this is also
legitimate and merely their desire.
As regards languages I can say that this issue interests almost nobody. Even if the official language will be Ukrainian
as has already happened, nobody is forced to speak only in
Ukrainian. I’ve spoken Russian all my life, however I support the idea that the national language should be Ukrainian and should be studied in schools and in the universities.
If not the risk is that it will disappear.
As to the future of Ukraine, I expect independence and unity. I don’t have a precise idea if we must enter the European
Union or not though I definitely know that Europe is the
future. Russia as it is at present represents the past values
of the USSR, which is the absence of values regarding the
individual, personality but only for an abstract unity such as
a Great Power. I think we are quite ready for civil rights, we
have deserved them.
7. Olga, a producer of children’s clothes, from
Pereiaslav-Hmelnytsky
First of all, Maidan was for me “an expression of my opinion”.
People came to express their dissatisfaction with the president’s decision to abandon “euro-integration”. In our country the government has never listened to public opinion. In
the first months of Maidan, the president pretended that
nothing was happening, he surrounded himself heavily with
guards and lived as usual. Russia says that we have right-
wing radicals – after two months of attempts to draw attention to themselves, the population was compelled to use
radical and active methods. And Maidan transformed itself
into a struggle for a life, everyone wants to live with dignity
and not merely survive. Maidan is a fight against corruption,
against a criminal government, a struggle for the human
right to influence the destiny of their country.
I’m in complete agreement with the decision to move to the
2004 constitution, in which one of the elements is a form of
parliamentary republic and presidential government. The
present government should work energetically to eradicate every form of corruption. It is necessary to establish
a system of control over corruption that will include activists from the people. The public should control power, the
state authorities have an obligation to report in detail to the
public the work carried out, the money spent etc. I dream
of seeing in the government honest, Ukrainian patriots.
Crimea is Ukraine! Ukraine is indivisible! Russia has blinded
the Crimean people. It has scared them with the threat of
possible repressions of Russian speakers on the part of the
present government. But it is wrong! Ukraine has never exerted pressure on Russian speakers. I am Ukrainian and I
speak Russian. I travel often in Ukraine and I have never
experienced any pressure because of the language I speak!
Language: Ukrainian should be the national language but
the Russian language has been and will be important in
our society. After the collapse of the Soviet Union the Russian language has been essential. Almost all the schools in
Ukraine were Russian, and people knew more Russian than
Ukrainian. Ukrainian was not used among people. Nevertheless, a need was created to revive Ukrainian language,
culture and history.
I expect only a bright future! No war!
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ACP
ACP
The sun shone all through the EU-Africa Summit on April 2-3 as
if the 54 African leaders who had arrived to meet the representatives of the 28 European member states had “brought to Brussels
their African sun in their pockets”.
They returned to Africa with their pockets filled with goodwill
and projects of future ties, promises of collaboration in all sectors,
commitments to have ideas and initiatives financed, and above all
engagements to help stabilize the security situation in areas where
challenges from extreme and radical movements are still a menace.
“The EU and Africa – said José Manuel Barroso, president of the
European Commission at the end of the Summit - are united by
geography, history, human ties and most importantly by a common will to work hand in hand for the future”. He spoke of Africa
as an “exciting opportunity” because of its growth rate which will
average 6% in 2014. “Over the past decade – he added - Africa
supplied 6 of the world’s 10 economies with fastest growth rates”.
However, he added “to deliver on this great potential of the continent and of our partnership, responsible leadership will be fundamental to overcome the challenges that still exist”. The challenges
are common to all. “When terrorism expands in the Sahel or in
the Horn or when migration flows become unmanageable, it is a
threat to both Africa and Europe. And when growth increases in
Africa, it is an opportunity for Africa but also for Europe”.
Figures were singled out for the African Peace Facility (800 million
euros to be added to the 1.2 billion euros already mobilised) and
for the climate change programme ahead of the Climate Change
Summit to be organised in New York on 23rd September by the UN
Secretary General Ban-Ki moon who attended the Brussels Summit.
UE-Africa :
un Sommet en dessous des attentes
At the end of the Summit the president of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy underlined the importance of the three
main themes discussed there – peace, prosperity, people. “Security – said Van Rompuy- needs justice and the rule of law, respect
for the human rights of all communities. But addressing security
problems requires a comprehensive approach. Prosperity and security are linked in Africa as elsewhere”.
The debate on prosperity was at the heart of the EU-Africa Business Forum, held on the eve of the Summit, where more than 800
business and economic leaders committed themselves to improve
the business climate and foster investment in African countries. “A
fundamental shift from aid to trade and investment as agents of
growth and poverty reduction is taking place” commented Van
Rompuy, who highlighted the importance of “promoting investment between our continents, the rôle of SMEs, access to affordable credit, fight against corruption and the promotion of good
governance. Here too, the Business Forum reminded us that the
rule of law was essential to encourage investors”.
The new EU Pan-African Programme of €844m for the next 7
years, will contribute to support this process. According to the EU
Council president, “the EU also hopes to mobilise up to €30 billion in investment including for infrastructure through blending
with private sector funds. But to achieve its transformation Africa
needs an agricultural revolution which is why 2014 is the African
Year of Agriculture. Over the next 7 years the EU will make €3 billion available for agriculture in over 30 African countries”.
MLF
Tour de table Sommet Eu-Afrique (Credit: Conseil de l’Ue)
4Th African Summit:
goodwill and projects
Pour la première fois, les institutions européennes ont accueilli
un Sommet Afrique-Europe. C’était la quatrième rencontre entre
les chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement africains et européens.
Contrairement aux Sommets précédents, celui de Bruxelles a été
précédé par le sommet des jeunes leaders africains et européens,
organisé du 31 mars au 1er avril et le forum économique qui a
réuni les dirigeants d’affaires des deux blocs.
Ces deux rencontres ont fait l’originalité du sommet de Bruxelles,
même si l’impact de ces deux rencontres dans le cadre du partenariat entre l’Afrique et l’Europe reste encore à démontrer.
Mais quels étaient les vrais enjeux de ce Sommet ? L’ordre du
jour correspondait aux impératifs du moment du partenariat entre l’Afrique et l’Europe ? Normalement, la partie africaine aurait
eu l’intérêt à dresser à Bruxelles le bilan de sa coopération avec
l’Europe dans le cadre du partenariat stratégique. Le quatrième
Sommet aurait été un Sommet-bilan. Autrement dit, mettre en
avant quelques résultats atteints, en jetant un regard rétrospectif
sur le partenariat Afrique-Europe. Pour rappel, en 2013, à Zanzibar
(Tanzanie), l’Union africaine s’est livrée à une évaluation critique
de sa stratégie de partenariat avec l’Union européenne. Et on était
en droit d’entendre les recommandations et les propositions de
ce travail lors du sommet de Bruxelles. Rien du tout dans ce sens.
Une évaluation devait permettre de voir les aspects de la coopération Afrique-Europe qui n’ont pas bien fonctionné et y apporter
des solutions. Et par la suite procéder à la redéfinition des bases
d’un accord de partenariat bénéfique pour les deux continents.
La déclaration finale se contente tout simplement d’une profession de foi : « le quatrième sommet Afrique-UE a convenu que la
mise en œuvre de la Stratégie conjointe devrait être améliorée
davantage à la lumière de l’expérience acquise et de l’évolution
en Afrique, en Europe et dans le monde ».
Dans ce cas, comment penser que la coopération doit s’inspirer
d’une approche axée sur les résultats, comme le souligne encore la
même déclaration, sans une évaluation de l’action passée ou en cours?
Par ailleurs, le Sommet est resté sur les chantiers battus, qu’il
s’agisse de sujets cruciaux comme l’immigration, la bonne gouvernance, la culture… Sur ces questions fondamentales du
partenariat Afrique-Ue, on a repris les mêmes déclarations, en
l’occurrence : « la promotion de la gouvernance démocratique
reste au cœur de notre partenariat. Nous renforcerons notre
coopération en matière de gouvernance démocratique sur les
deux continents, dans les domaines tels que la lutte contre la corruption et le blanchiment de capitaux… »
A propos de l’immigration, les Africains surtout la diaspora attendaient des mesures concrètes et immédiates de l’Europe après
des événements douloureux comme le drame de Lampedusa, par
exemple. La déclaration UE-Afrique sur la migration et la mobilité
a été décevante. Des mesures devaient être prises afin de pro-
M. Goodluck Jonathan, president of Nigeria (Credit: Conseil de l’Ue)
téger et renforcer la protection des demandeurs d’asile et stopper
les expulsions. Dans la diaspora, on déplore qu’aucune décision
n’ait été prise afin de réduire les coûts de transfert de fonds. Ce
premier sommet Afrique-Union européenne tenu en dehors du
continent devait prendre des disposition afin d’impliquer la diaspora africaine dans les programmes d’aide à la coopération.
En définitive, le sommet Afrique-Union européenne de Bruxelles s’est caractérisé par l’absence d’un message fort, même si la
Chancelière allemande Angela Merkel a encouragé les Africains à
se prendre en charge et trouver des solutions à leurs problèmes.
Qu’est ce qui expliquerait ce manque d’inspiration de la part des
dirigeants présents à cette rencontre ?
Le hasard du calendrier a fait que le Sommet de Bruxelles est arrivé au moment ou la partie européenne est confrontée à d’autres
préoccupations peut-être plus importantes encore : les élections
européennes du mois prochain, à l’issue desquelles sortira un
nouveau président de la Commission européenne, la crise ukrainienne, les négociations avec les Etats-Unis sur le libre-échange.
Mais l’engagement de l’Union européenne dans la crise que traverse
la Centrafrique a compensé la platitude du sommet de Bruxelles. A
l’issue d’une réunion spéciale sur la situation en République centrafricaine (RCA), l’UE enverra 800 hommes dans ce pays. Les trois quarts
de ces 800 doivent être déployés avant la fin du mois de mai.
Au niveau de l’aide financière à Bangui, l’UE s’est engagée à consacrer 352 millions d’euros en faveur de la stabilisation et de la
reconstruction de cet Etat. Enfin l’Allemagne, jusque là hésitante,
a accepté de participer avec deux avions de transport à Eufor-RCA,
l’opération de l’UE en Centrafrique.
Le sommet de Bruxelles du 2 - 3 avril 2014 entre à l’histoire
comme une rencontre entre les dirigeants africains et européens
qui a n’a pas été à la hauteur des attentes et des enjeux du partenariat stratégique Afrique-Europe.
Jean Boole
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ACP
ACP
Mobilité, Effectivité, Transition…
les dix messages clés pour l’opération EUFOR RCA
7.
Les Européens ont commencé à déployer, en mars, en République centrafricaine, une petite opération militaire d’interposition – dénommée EUFOR RCA - autour de l’aéroport et de
Bangui. Nous avons rencontré le général Philippe Ponties, son
commandant, qui résume les 10 points clés de l’opération…
1. Le mandat de l’opération sera limité dans le temps. La
mission sera de six mois maximum, à compter de la «
déclaration de pleine capacité » et 3 mois de montée
en puissance, soit jusqu’à novembre. Ce mandat « ne
sera pas renouvelé ».
2. La zone d’opération sera « restreinte ». La mission sera
déployée sur une partie de Bangui : la zone de l’aéroport, le camp de réfugiés attenant, ainsi que « deux
districts proches ».
3. L’objectif est, en effet, d’avoir « très vite atteindre des
effets visibles (…) pour les populations locales et
les autorités de transition ». L’idée est « non pas de
se diluer sur une surface (mais) de se concentrer, en
profondeur, pour avoir des effets immédiats mais qui
soient aussi durables ».
4. La mission : sécuriser la population. « Nous devons créer
un retour substantiel des personnes déplacées, faciliter
la liberté de mouvement, permettre aux gens de se sentir en sécurité, de reprendre des activités sociales et économiques. » Une bonne partie de la mission sera aussi de
faire la liaison avec les ONG et organisations internationales présentes. Le « deal » pour nous est « de créer les
conditions pour ces acteurs de créer ces projets ».
5. La mobilité est donc un critère clé, l’idée est « d’avoir
une présence permanente. Ce qui est très exigeant. »
EUFOR RCA devra avoir des « capacités à patrouiller
efficacement ». Cela suppose « des capacités de renseignement, de la logistique, de la protection de force ».
6. Les moyens d’EUFOR sont des « plus classiques » :
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infanterie, véhicules, transmissions, etc. « Un classicisme confondant » parle le général. Il n’y aura pas
automatiquement d’hélicoptères (comme envisagé un
moment). Le général Pontiès privilégie ainsi plutôt « les
moyens routiers que les hélicoptères. Bangui est une
zone urbaine extrêmement dense. Il est difficile de
poser des hélicoptères sur ces zones très peuplées. »
Les règles d’engagement seront aussi larges que possible. Mon objectif est que la « force puisse bénéficier de
la plus grande liberté de manoeuvre possible sur le terrain », avec deux limites : « le cadre de la mission confiée
aux Européens », et la « prise en compte de l’arsenal juridique international, du droit des conflits, du droit international humanitaire », etc. C’est « un équilibre subtil,
très difficile à atteindre », reconnaît le général.
La difficulté d’une force, c’est d’arriver à remplir tous
les besoins nécessaires, avec toutes les offres possibles.
Cela signifie une adaptation permanente. L’important
est que la force « soit la plus européenne et la plus multinationale possible ».
Une opération à charge des Etats membres. Les coûts
communs (pris en charge par l’ensemble des États
membres au titre du mécanisme Athena) seront limités. Ils comprennent les travaux d’infrastructure pour
le QG de la Force, le coût du déploiement, de la logistique et de la force dans sa vie quotidienne. « Le principe d’un financement des transports stratégiques par
les coûts communs n’a donc pas été prévu » précise
le général, confirmant ainsi les informations de B2.
L’essentiel des frais « retombera donc sur les États
membres participants. »
Une stratégie de sortie, dès le début. « Dans six mois,
on part. Et il ne faut pas que cette situation se détériore
ensuite. C’est un point important. (…) La stratégie
de sortie me préoccupera de façon importante dès le
déploiement. » Pour le général, l’essentiel est donc de
préparer « dès le début la transition » avec la MISCA. Il
faut le « créer dans de bonnes conditions », assurer « le
même niveau de sécurité, une transition en douceur,
pour que la dynamique puisse se poursuivre ».
Nicolas Gros-Verheyde
B2 – www.bruxelles.eu
Martin Schulz à l’Assemblee Parlementaire UE-ACP :
“nous sommes tous ubuntu”
“Nous sommes tous ubuntu”. C’est le président du Parlement
europeen Martin Schulz qui l’a dit en clôturant la 25ème session
de l’Assemblée Parlementaire Paritaire ACP-UE pour souligner la
valeur de la collaboration entre l’Union Européenne et les ACP.
“Au cours d’une visite en Afrique du Sud – il a expliqué - j’ai appris
l’existence d’un concept traditionnel africain, l’idée de ‘ubuntu’,
apparemment difficile à traduire directement dans d’autres langues. On m’a dit qu’une bonne traduction approximative serait
«je suis parce que tu es» ou «une personne ne devient une personne que grâce aux autres personnes”. Je pense que ce concept
de ubuntu ait une dimension mondiale qui parle de notre humanité commune, d’une humanité qui ne peut s’épanouir si nous
excluons activement ou si nous oublions simplement les autres
membres de nos communautés et leur empêchons de réaliser
leur potentiel”.
“Devant cette assemblée – il a dit - qui, d’ailleurs, est la seule assemblée internationale dans l’enceinte de laquelle un aussi grand
nombre de pays du Sud et du Nord de la planète se rencontrent
régulièrement, je souhaiterais souligner l’importance de la démocratie et du parlementarisme dans notre monde en constante
évolution”.
La date des élections pour le renouvellement du Parlement européen le prochain mois de Mai approche. Dans son discours le président du Parlement européen a demandé une reflection à fond
pour que le parlementarisme puisse suivre son cours en impliquant la population et ne pas être assujetti aux lois du marché.
“Ce n’est pas acceptable – il a dit – que la faim des uns soit source
de profits pour d’autres”.
“Les parlements - il a encore dit - devraient dès lors jouer un
rôle central pour ce qui est de la promotion des réformes économiques. Les parlementaires doivent veiller à ce que ces réformes
visent à réduire les inégalités socio-économiques”. A son avis, les
parlements, c’est à dire les représentants élus de la population,
doivent promouvoir des modèles de développement et de transformation qui mettent l’individu, pas les chiffres, au coeur de
leurs économies.
Le président du Parlement européen a par la suite souligné que
l’un des défis les plus importants pour les pays de l’Ue et des
ACP au cours des prochaines années sera de faire participer les
citoyens à un processus politique et social qui améliore leurs vies,
éradique la faim et la pauvreté, crée des emplois et lutte contre
les maladies et l’illettrisme sans, ce faisant, détruire notre planète.
Réunissant plus de 100 pays à tous les stades du processus de
développement, le cadre ACP-UE a un rôle fondamental à jouer
dans la définition du paysage de l’après-OMD.
Une position commune ACP-UE aura un impact positif considérable qui permettrait de parvenir à un programme de développement pour l’après-2015 qui soit global, légitime et efficace.
Face à cette réalité, il est essentiel, selon Schulz, que les États
membres de l’Union européenne n’oublient pas les engagements
qu’ils ont pris en faveur du développement international, tels que
l’affectation de 0,7 % du PIB à la coopération au développement.
Il est illusoire de penser que l’Union européenne puisse mener
une bonne politique sans y consacrer des moyens suffisants.
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Coopération entre l’Europe et l’Afrique :
Haiti
un combat entre David et Goliath
4 ans après le tremblement de terre,Que sont t-ils devenus ?
Le dernier sommet entre l’Europe et l’Afrique a laissé plus d’un observateur circonspect notamment en suivant les débats sur les échanges
entre l’Europe et l’Afrique, deux continents dont la relation a été
toujours caractérisée par des rôles de donneurs d’aide d’un côté et
de bénéficiaires de l’autre. Pourra-t-on transformer cette relation de
dépendance en un partenariat réel de coopération ?
Du 02 au 04 avril un énième sommet Euro-Afrique se tenait à
Bruxelles avec à l’ordre du jour les échanges commerciaux entre
les deux continents. Si d’autres sommets ont eu lieu sans résultats
tangibles par le passé, il y a lieu de croire que les circonstances et
la situation économique mondiale actuelles puissent pousser les
deux continents à casser leur timidité réciproque pour s’engager
sur la voie de la réussite en se lançant dans une coopération winwin des deux côtés.
Coopération entre l’Europe et l’Afrique :
un combat entre David et Goliath
La crise économique mondiale que le vieux Continent reconnaît vivre depuis plus de cinq ans a ses réelles origines
dans l’épuisement de ses ressources naturelles et dans la
fermeture croissante de son industrie de production qu’elle
génère. Les exportations européennes ont continuellement diminué au profit de l’industrie de service qui bénéficie essentiellement aux citoyens européens sans réelles
retombées économiques pour l’avenir si les choses restent
en l’état actuel. La seule issue possible pour remédier à
ce problème reste que l’économie européenne s’ouvre à
l’extérieur et vende son savoir-faire aux consommateurs
potentiels. Les seuls débouchés en vue ne seront certes
pas les pays asiatiques disposant d’une technologie avancée
et d’une capacité de transformation hors pair. Ce ne sont
pas non plus les pays d’Amérique Latine qui ont opté pour
d’autres modèles économiques ou qui coopèrent déjà avec
la première puissance mondiale qui est leur proche voisin.
La seule issue qui s’offre aux Européens reste le continent
africain qui cependant devient lui-même de plus en plus
exigeant. Tant que ces paramètres ne seront pas pris en
considération, l’Europe travaille à perte, son industrie de
production en faillite et le chômage qui en découle risquent
handicaper toutes les institutions étatiques. Or, il s’avère de
plus en plus que le jeune européen d’aujourd’hui, de plus
en plus formé, n’a plus peur du risque comme par le passé.
Bien mieux il s’apprêterait aisément à ouvrir ses horizons
pour faire valoir ses compétences ailleurs. Or, l’Afrique de-
vient de plus en plus une destination comme tant d’autres
depuis qu’elle s’est ouverte aux nouvelles technologies.
Le moment est donc venu pour les investisseurs européens
d’explorer les potentialités de cette Afrique aux ressources
naturelles immenses et disposant d’un nombre important
d’habitants à la fois travailleurs et consommateurs potentiels.
L’Europe a donc intérêt à prendre le taureau par les cornes et
le faire avant qu’il ne soit trop tard car les pays asiatiques ont
déjà découvert le marché africain et risquent de le récupérer
au grand dam de l’investisseur européen. Fier de donner tout
en recevant, les pays africains ne sont plus une terre en friche
où il faudra inventer la roue. En effet, les avancées technologiques déjà en place sur la quasi-totalité du continent noir
permettent aux investisseurs de garder les contacts réguliers
avec le monde entier. Si d’un côté l’investisseur doit partir
avec une partie du personnel sur terrain, le continent surpeuplé est sans doute prêt à mettre à contribution son capital
humain pour collaborer avec les jeunes issus des universités
et hautes écoles européennes.
Les secteurs des investissements et avantages de part et d’autres
L’Europe a toujours importé des ressources naturelles brutes
en provenance de plusieurs pays africains. Le transport de
ces cargaisons de ressources naturelles coûte énormément
en énergie alors que la transformation sur place donnerait
du travail aux locaux et consommerait moins d’énergie.
L’industrie agricole africaine est aussi porteuse car les terres
sont encore vierges et les consommateurs sont nombreux.
D’autres secteurs comme les énergies naturelles et ou fossilisées ainsi que le tourisme sont ouverts aux investisseurs
et générateurs d’emploi à la fois pour les jeunes africains
désoeuvrés et les européens au chômage. Cette nouvelle
approche économique tant souhaitée par l’Afrique et bénéfique aux deux continents réduirait aussi le fléau migratoire
qui menace les frontières de l’Europe. En effet, les capitaux
européens créeraient des emplois sur place et les jeunes
africains n’auraient plus besoin de risquer leur vie dans les
mers et océans pour venir chercher du travail en Europe.
Jean-Claude Nkubito
Le 12 janvier 2010 à 16 heures 53 minutes, un tremblement
de terre de magnitude 7,3 et dont l’épicentre se situe à
environ 25 kilomètres de Port au Prince, a dévasté une
zone importante de Haïti.
Les zones atteintes : la région métropolitaine de Port au
Prince, de Léogane, jusqu’à Jacmel (de l’autre côté de l’île).
Cette catastrophe, sans précédent, a fait environ 250.000
morts, 300.000 blessés et 1.200.000 de sans-abris.
Haïti se situe dans la mer des Caraïbes et se partage l’île
d’Hispaniola avec la République Dominicaine.
Ancienne colonie française, elle était, à l’époque, la plus
prospère de toute la Caraïbe.
A la fin du XVIII ème siècle, les esclaves, sous l’impulsion
de Toussaint Louverture, officier noir des troupes de Napoléon, se rebellent contre l’armée française. Haïti proclame
son indépendance en 1804.
Ce fut l’unique révolte d’esclaves réussie de l’Histoire.
La France ne reconnut son indépendance qu’en 1865
moyennant le versement d’une indemnité de 165.000.000
de francs or de l’époque ce qui handicapa considérablement le développement de Haïti.
Pour mettre les choses en perspective et comprendre la
montagne de difficultés, faisons une comparaison avec la
Belgique qui a plus ou moins la même surface et le même
nombre d’habitants (à ce jour).
En 1960, Haïti comptait environ 4 millions d’habitants (la
Belgique 9 millions), aujourd’hui elle a presque 11 millions
d’habitants (comme en Belgique.)
En 1960, la zone métropolitaine de Port au Prince comptait
environ 300.000 habitants, aujourd’hui 2.700.000…..
Le moindre morne ou ravine est occupé par des bidonvilles.
Le front de mer est aussi occupé par un immense bidonville
de 300.000 habitants : la ’Cité soleil’.
La démographie galopante, les problèmes d’eau et d’assainissement, la pauvreté et l’éducation sont d’énormes défis
à relever.
Il faut aussi parler de l’épidémie de choléra, (300.000 cas
recensés, 8.000 morts), qui fait polémique : elle aurait été
introduite par les troupes onusiennes. Le bacille est d’origine népalaise. Dans les troupes onusiennes, il y avait un
contingent originaire de ce pays… qui vidait les sanitaires
dans la rivière.
Où en est la situation plus de 4 ans près
la catastrophe ?
Le pays est le plus pauvre de toute la Caraïbe et d’Amérique du sud.
La République Dominicaine, pays avec qui Haïti partage
l’Ile, a un produit intérieur brut 5 fois supérieur, c’est
dire….
La situation économique et sociale reste très précaire, mais
les choses bougent.
A ce jour, selon les informations officielles, 90 % des sans
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abris ont retrouvé à se loger, ils étaient 1.200.000.
Ces améliorations, grâce à l’aide internationale, s’expliquent
par la réquisition de terrains et l’extension de la zone métropolitaine de Port au Prince, par la construction de logements
sociaux et la réhabilitation de logements détruits.
Après la catastrophe, les zones touchées n’étaient que
camps de réfugiés. Toutes les places publiques, cours
d’écoles, le moindre terrain disponible étaient occupés par
des tentes avec pour conséquences des conditions sanitaires déplorables.
Il fallait loger, nourrir et soigner l’équivalent de toute la
population de Bruxelles (19 communes) c’est vous dire
l’insurmontable tâche à accomplir.
Sous l’impulsion du gouvernement du Président Michel
Bidonville de Jalousie en réhabilitation
Martelly et de son Premier Ministre Laurent Lamothe, après
une période de flottement, le pays bouge.
Michel Martelly, un chanteur au passé sulfureux, a été élu
président en mars 2011.
Malgré une prise de pouvoir dans une période critique et
confuse, après 3 ans, il a gagné en maturité et a donné une
relative stabilité au pays.
On lui reproche un côté ’bling bling’ et populiste.
Dans un souci de réconciliation nationale, il a permis le
retour d’anciens présidents en exil comme Jean Claude
Duvalier(Baby Doc), Prosper Avril et Jean Bertrand Aristide,
ce qui suscite la polémique d’anciennes victimes demandant Justice.
Place Saint Pierre occupée par les sans abris après la catastrophe
Place Saint Pierre aujourd’hui
Le Président Michel Martelly
Edith, une sans abris vivait sous tente sur une place publique
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Et pourtant, le pays bouge …
Haïti est un immense chantier : travaux d’infrastructure,
construction de logements sociaux, reconstruction de bâtiments publics, embellissement du cadre de vie par la réhabilitation des places publiques.
La cicatrisation des destructions du tremblement de terre
est bien avancée et la capitale est beaucoup plus belle et
plus propre qu’avant la Catastrophe.
Le gouvernement fait un grand effort pour l’ouverture du
pays au business.
Un grand parc industriel bien équipé s’est ouvert dans le
nord du pays près de Fort Liberté.
Le parc industriel de Caracol a déjà créé quelques milliers
d’emplois, notamment dans le secteur textile (investisseurs coréens) mais également dans des secteurs de pointe
comme la production d’ I-pads made in Haïti.
Le secteur agricole est aussi une priorité pour garantir
l’indépendance alimentaire et stabiliser l’exode rural. Dans
le passé, le pays avait une production rizicole (aliment
de base) couvrant la totalité des besoins de la population.
L’importation massive de riz américain subventionné, une
natalité exponentielle ont créé une dépendance extérieure
mais des efforts sont faits pour une meilleure productivité.
Le tourisme, autre secteur prioritaire du
gouvernement.
Le tourisme pourrait être un moteur économique majeur par
ses retombées sur l’agriculture, les services, les infrastructures,
mais il est tributaire d’une stabilité politique et sécuritaire.
Voyez ce qui se passe en Egypte, après le « printemps arabe ».
En 2.010 les forces de police comptaient 10.000 unités,
17.000 aujourd’hui.
Haïti a également créé une Police Touristique.
Sous l’impulsion de la ministre Stéphanie Villedrouin , le
gouvernement a déterminé des zones prioritaires pour un
tourisme aux normes internationales, comme par exemple
l’Île à vaches qui s’oriente vers un tourisme de prestige, la
ville de Jacmel, avec ses richesses architecturales coloniales,
le nord avec la fameuse plage de Labadie, escale de bateaux
de croisières des Caraïbes.
De nombreux travaux d’infrastructure sont en cours.
Des efforts sont faits pour la formation hôtelière, des écoles
se sont ouvertes.
Malheureusement Haïti est victime d’une réputation défavorable au niveau sécuritaire alors que son taux d’homicides n’est pas pire que celui de certains pays bénéficiant
d’un tourisme de masse.
A titre d’exemple :
Haïti avec, officiellement, en 2011, , 300.000 touristes (parmi eux, une majorité de coopérants) a un nombre d’homicides de 6,9 pour 100.000 habitants.
La République Dominicaine, 4.200.000 touristes, 25 homicides pour 100.000 habitants.
La Jamaïque, 1.900.000 touristes, 41,2 homicides pour
100.000 habitants.
Porto Rico 1.370.000 touristes, 26,2 homicides pour 100.000
habitants.
Cuba, 2.500 .000 touristes, 5 homicides pour 100 habitants.
Il faut prendre ces chiffres avec des réserves car communiqués par les polices locales.
Et pourtant, dans de nombreux sites des affaires étrangères
des pays occidentaux, il est fortement déconseillé de se
rendre à Haïti pour des motifs sécuritaires !
Le Département d’Etat américain a retiré Haïti comme
zone de danger.
Il est également déconseillé d’y aller à cause du choléra.
Cette épidémie ne touche que les classes défavorisées
vivant dans des conditions sanitaires précaires. La maladie
est actuellement en régression même s’il faut rester vigilant.
Le président Martelly veut casser l’image misérabiliste d’un
pays à la main tendue et prône plutôt l’ouverture au business et au tourisme.
C’est un pays magnifique et d’une richesse culturelle incroyable par son artisanat, sa littérature, sa peinture, le «
vaudou », ses carnavals parmi les plus intéressants et joyeux
de toutes les Caraïbes.
Le tourisme permettrait au pays de se développer grâce aux
apports directs et indirects à son économie.
Logo du ministère du tourisme
Faites-en l’expérience ...
Bruno Mariani
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Growing up as an
African refugee on
American soil
It was the summer 2013 when I re-assessed the importance
of having a myth while growing up. It happened after an
encounter in a southern neighborhood of Houston, Texas.
He emerged from the dark into the burning Texan sun. Of
African origins and about 10 years old he repeated only two
words as if he was just learning to speak: “Kobe Bryant!” .
Well, Kobe Bryant is a famous LA Lakers basketball player;
he only lives for the game; he can train for eight hours
straight, night or day. He is called “black mamba” just like
the highly venomous snake of sub-Saharan Africa. Some
think he is a legend, a genius, others call him a psychopath.
He certainly is an inspiration for many, particularly young
immigrant kids!
The child, who responded to every query with “Kobe
Bryant”, was accompanied by two guardian angels, his elder brothers, one at his right and the other at his left. The
trio stood on the doorway of a block of flats house, behind
them I could distinguish a falling castle made of furniture.
“Where are your parents?” asked my guide. “Kobe Bryant”,
said the ebony kid. One brother interjected, “They are at
work!” My guide insisted: “When are they coming back?” At
first no one answered and then the same two words came
out: “Kobe Bryant!”
We left the place dissatisfied and worried about that trio
living in the shadowy apartment and with apparent selfidentification and mental issues.
My guide was James Taylu, from his American accent, his
baseball cap and his white t-shirt, you would never have
guessed he is from Liberia and not Texas. Once upon a time,
he was a resident of this apartment complex in the southern
side of Houston, where many other Liberians are now living.
“It happens sometimes that children here are left alone because parents have to work,” said James. “Nobody can take
care of them even if they have mental problems,” shaking
his car keys agitatedly in his hands, probably concerned
about the boy we just met who showed psychological problems and remembering his first years as a refugee in Texas.
Each year the United States allows a number of refugees in
the country based on pre-established quotas. In 2009/2010
70,000 were collected from the all countries where they were
hiding and brought to the US through journeys organized by
the International Organization for Migration and the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Statistics
show almost half of those (31,000) were coming from Near
East and South Asia, followed by East Asia (17,000), Africa
(12,000), Latin America, Central Asia and Europe.
The flow that leads to the resettlement of a refugee on American soil is a tree-structured scheme that seems to work fine
up to certain branches. Each year the UNHCR suggests a number of refugees who need to be resettled. The US President,
after consultation with the Congress decides the annual number of refugee admissions, a figure that can swing between
50,000 to 70,000 says the Congressional Research Service.
That represents about one sixth and one fourth of the number of refugees applying in the European Union if you stand
by the numbers of the Home Affairs Commission. Most of the
applicants in the EU are from Afghanistan (28,000), Russia
(24,285), Syria, Pakistan, Serbia and Somalia.
A different trend in the admissions is recorded after the
9/11 attack on the World Trade Center. While the number of
refugees in the US for 2001 dropped to 23,000, in the EU it
reached a high point of 458.345.
In contrast to the EU model, refugees resettling in the US
are directly taken from the countries they are in and transported to the US where one of nine resettlement agencies
takes care of them. Overall the agencies have 350 affiliate
organizations throughout the US that are paid 1,875 dollar
to sustain a refugee. One of the affiliates is in Houston.
Chance brought James and thousands of Liberians to Houston.
“The Southern part of Houston is where there are the majo-
rity of recent immigrants,” said James sitting in the house
of one of his grandmothers: they are not related by blood
but by tribal bonds.
“The northern part is where other Liberian migrants go after
being here; they are more educated, they want to become
richer. The southern part is for the first years, when you
want to start up and then you move on.
“I myself have started here and then I left for the north.”
Once in the US James was given full medical assistance,
access to social services, a house with African food and a
working permit in one of the growing (and largest) cities in
the US. After five years he was able to apply for citizenship.
In theory a similar future awaits refugees applying in the EU
since under the Reception Conditions Directive they should
be granted food, a house, medical insurance and a work
permit. But since the regulations differ in each European
country, many refugees are denied some of these benefits.
German law does not allow refugees to work during the first
year of application; in other countries applicants are left languishing for a decision in immigration detention centers.
This mosaic of different laws is the reason why Home Affairs
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström, is dreaming of a European Common Asylum Policy that would cover fields like
resettlement, work and integration.
Integration is where the well-structured American policy
seems to limp as the case of James’ grandmother shows.
Ma’ Maria was brought to the US in 2004 and she received
her citizenship eight years later.
After years of living in a house that displays the American
flag, a crucifix and a photo of President Obama on the kitchen counter, James’ grandmother cannot speak English
with an understandable accent. She decided to live among
other Liberians on the southside of Houston, with other
grandmas, taking care as much as she can of grandchildren
in the neighbourhood. What if they weren’t there?
For the children standing in the doorway, Kobe Bryant – a
basketball legend, appeared to be a valid untouchable substitution of what the resettlement did not provide to them:
connection to the community and awareness of their own
identity so that it doesn’t get lost or confused. The Liberian
grandmothers of Houston are doing their part in handing
down African culture but what’s the link with the Americans? Probably once again the only answer I would have
received is, “Kobe Bryant”!
Ngalula Beatrice Kabutakapua
30
ACP
ACP
LES CARAIBES
BIEN DAVANTAGE QUE DES PARADIS TOURISTIQUES ET DES PARADIS FISCAUX
Les Caraïbes sont une région assez connue dans le monde,
en tant qu’ensemble de paradis touristiques et aussi de paradis fiscaux, mais peu comprise dans son énorme diversité
qui va bien au-delà de ces clichés ...
On y inclut généralement, comme dans la définition de
l’Union Européenne, outre les îles de la Mer des Caraïbes
allant de Cuba à Trinidad, aussi celles situées un peu plus au
Nord, comme les Bahamas, ainsi que les trois Etats continentaux Belize, Guyana et Suriname. Cet ensemble a environ 40
millions d’habitants et quelque 620.000 km2, dont 220.000 à
peine pour les îles. Elles comptent donc pour un peu plus de
0,5% de la population mondiale et bien moins encore -environ 0,15% pour les îles seules - du territoire du globe.
Il s’agit d’une part de seize Etats indépendants, trois d’entre
eux -Cuba, Haïti et République Dominicaine- d’une dizaine
de millions d’habitants chacun et les autres de dimensions
bien plus modestes, avec quelques-uns de moins de 100.000
d’habitants, et d’autre part d’un nombre similaire de territoires non indépendants, dans leur majorité plus petits, liés
à la France, la Grande-Bretagne, les Pays-Bas et les Etats-Unis.
Cette trentaine d’Etats et de territoires sont extrêmement
divers sur les plans culturel, économique, politique et autres.
Cette diversité se reflète déjà dans l’existence de quatre langues
officielles -anglais, français, espagnol et néerlandais-, dans cette
petite région, contre deux à peine pour l’Amérique Latine continentale bien plus grande. Par ailleurs, on y trouve, par exemple,
l’un des pays les plus pauvres du monde (Haïti) et l’un des territoires les plus riches en revenu par habitant (les Bermudes). Le
plus grand Etat insulaire (Cuba) compte 111.000 km2, le plus petit (Saint Kitts et Nevis) moins de 300. Leurs balances commerciales sont presque toutes très fortement déficitaires, car leurs
exportations sont limitées, et cela est compensé, de manière
plutôt précaire, par les recettes de tourisme et les transferts
d’argent des émigrés, sources principales de devises. L’impact
de la crise mondiale sur ces pays le plus souvent déjà parmi les
plus lourdement endettés du monde s’y fait, pour cette raison et
d’autres, sentir de façon particulièrement sévère .
D’un point de vue historique, il faut souligner l’importance
cruciale de la région dans le passé : les Caraïbes étaient
pendant des siècles la frontière entre les puissances qui se
disputaient la domination sur les Amériques et le monde, et
du XVIIe au XIXe siècles la production de sucre provenant
d’ici a joué un rôle essentiel dans l’accumulation du capital
à l’échelle mondiale et donc aussi dans le financement de la
Révolution Industrielle.
Au XXe siècle, cette importance géo-stratégique et économique était certes bien moindre, mais le Canal de Panama,
la révolution cubaine et la richesse pétrolière aux alentours
de la Mer des Caraïbes ont garanti que la région ne tombe
pas dans l’oubli de la politique mondiale. Cuba et Haïti
continuent de poser des points d’interrogation particulièrement complexes pour l’avenir d’une région qui doit, dans
son ensemble, affronter des défis difficiles …
Le livre de Viktor Sukup « Les Caraïbes face aux défis de
l’avenir » comporte, après une introduction générale, trois
parties. La première s’efforce de présenter un tableau historique, économique et social plus précis des différents Etats
et autres territoires des Caraïbes ; la deuxième décrit les
principaux aspects socio-économiques de la région, notamment le tourisme, le sucre, les bananes, l’énergie et l’environnement, ainsi que les migrations, la délinquance et les «
paradis fiscaux »; la troisième, finalement, esquisse d’abord
les difficiles efforts d’intégration régionale et se penche
ensuite sur les relations extérieures de la région, avec l’Europe, l’Amérique du Nord, l’Amérique Latine continentale
et l’Asie notamment. Dans les conclusions l’auteur souligne
les nécessités de réorientation de la base économique ainsi
que d’efforts renouvelés de coopération régionale et d’amélioration des liens avec le reste du monde.
L’auteur,Viktor Sukup, analyste de questions européennes
et internationales, a été notamment professeur d’économie internationale à l’Université de Buenos Aires et auteur d’une demi-douzaine de livres, principalement sur
l’Europe et l’Amérique Latine, avant de rejoindre la Commission Européenne en 2000, où il a travaillé notamment
dans la DG DEV(CO), dans l’unité des Caraïbes et dans
celle de la prospective. Il a pris sa retraite à la Commission
en 2012 mais continue de s’intéresser de près aux questions du développement.
32
33
ACP
Europe
Trade, international relations and the future of the ACP
Human rights in Europe:
as seen by the chair of ACP Ambassadors
Eu should set the example
Tanzania holds the Presidency of the African, Caribbean and Pacific
Group of States (ACP) from 1st February to 1st August 2014. During this
period, H.E Dr Diodorus Kamala chairs the Committee of Ambassadors,
a decision-making organ that reports to the Council of Ministers. ACP
Press Attaché Josephine Latu-Sanft interviews the former Tanzanian
Minister for East African Cooperation on current challenges and outlooks on the future.
Josephine Latu-Sanft: What are some of the pressing trade issues
the ACP is looking at this year?
H.E Dr Diodorus Kamala: One of the key ones is the Economic Partnership Agreements between ACP countries and the EU, which first entered
into negotiations in 2002. We need to take stock now of these negotiations and their implementation, for those who have signed. If countries
enter EPAs, they should make sure the terms follow the provisions in the
ACP-EU Cotonou Partnership Agreement – that the EPAs are development-oriented, that they support regional integration, and they promote
integration into the global economy.
JLS: So the EPA negotiations are finally on the way to being
concluded this year?
DK: In negotiations we must always hope for the better. I am optimistic that we will be able to agree, or agree to disagree – meaning there
should be good options for regions that are not able to agree on an EPA.
But when you look at the magnitude of the agreements being negotiated, there are more elements agreed than those disagreed. There are
three main issues we still disagree on, which are the taxes on exports,
the Most Favoured Nation clause, and Rules of Origin. The other one
also is the development aspect. Although in the past, the EU side was
not very interested in providing support for our supply side constraints,
now it seems it might be possible. Of course, there’s a question of budget
- where will the additional resources come from? But you never know.
You only need political will and commitment. And it’s important to have
mutual trust in the relationship.
JLS: Does the ACP and EU trust each other in this regard?
DK: I think so, yes. We’ve been together for a long time – for decades. At
the same time, every relationship can have its trust tested, and I believe
this is one of them. At the end of the day we will still have to be WTOcompatible in our trade activities, whether it’s with EU or any other trade
partner. The question is how you negotiate – whether you can negotiate
a good or bad EPA. In other words, they need to be WTO-compatible and
Cotonou-compatible.
JLS: What are some lessons you can share from your previous experience as Minister for East Africa Cooperation in your country,
which can be helpful for the ACP Group?
DK: When you decide you want to cooperate with each other, you have to
put in place tools to achieve this. We started in Eastern Africa wanting to
promote trade amongst ourselves. Well if you talk about trade, you need
a customs union to achieve that. So around five years after the creation
of EAC in 1999, the EAC started operations as a Customs Union (2005).
The second stage was the creation of a Common Market in 2010. The
next will be a monetary union, then finally political integration. However with the Georgetown Agreement [which founded the ACP Group],
there are various objectives, including improving trade relations – but it
does not talk about how to achieve these things. Also, you have to have a
monitoring and evaluation system. At the end of the day you have to be
able to assess what you have done as well as the structures you are using,
in order to judge if you are moving in the right direction. We also need
a good strategic plan, with objectives, activities, and benchmarks, with a
SWOT analysis and an analysis of interests of different stakeholders. It’s
something we should have had right from the very beginning, but we did
not. Instead, the work of the ACP Group was guided by the partnership
agreements with Europe – the Yaoundé Conventions, then the Lomé
Conventions and now the Cotonou Agreement.
JLS: Why do you think there has been this approach at the ACP
Group, for so long?
DK: I think at the beginning, the roots of the ACP stemmed from a relationship between former colonies and colonial masters, focused on their
assistance. In other words, the European Development Fund (EDF)
carries the relationship – it’s donor-driven. Today however, we need to
assess the interests of stakeholders after all these years. In fact, we need
to revise our strategies every five years, because interests can change.
When the ACP Group was founded in 1975, there were nine European
members and 46 ACP members, then it grew to 15 EU and 77 ACP by
2000, and today there are 28 to 78. We must adapt our approach to be
complimentary with these developments.
JLS: What is your personal outlook on the future of the ACP
Group as an international organisation?
DK: There should be an ACP Partnership Fund. Actually, this is feasible
for the ACP now, it isn’t a matter for the future. There are so many stakeholders who are willing to work with the ACP. We just need to re-organise
ourselves and show that we are ready to work with new partners, including all stakeholders whose objectives do not conflict with our objectives
or those of our major partner. I also believe that united we remain strong,
divided we fall. Our numbers count, as well as the fact that we’ve been
together as a group for a long time. You would never command the same
respect if it is just A alone or C alone or P alone – as you would with A-C-P
together. The ACP can negotiate together on key issues and get a good
deal. Not only that, we have cultural relations, similar economies, and
even common genes. If we can’t work well together, who else has that
same level of linkages? We just need to express the political will and commitment. Our original mistake of course with the EPAs was breaking up
and negotiating in regions. But we cannot correct that mistake by making
another one, that is, by Africa continuing on its own, or the Caribbean on
its own or the Pacific on its own.
The European Commission must «immediately» set
up a system to monitor member countries’ compliance with EU values and accession criteria, says
a resolution passed by the European Parliament in
its February session. This monitoring system should
include binding recommendations and penalties for
breaches, such as freezing EU funds.
The resolution, approved by 312 votes to 244, with 27 abstentions, analyses the respect for fundamental rights in the EU.
«In all EU countries there are breaches of EU values, principles and legislation. There are still too many places in Europe and too many cases that
show that there are shortcomings. If the EU wants to be a moral force
that will influence the rest of the world in a good way it has to be strict
with itself,» said the rapporteur, Louis Michel (ALDE, BE).
To help prevent breaches of EU values in the long term, MEPs
also call for the creation of a «Copenhagen Commission» of independent high-level experts on fundamental rights.
Parliament calls on the EU and its member states to review any
laws that could be used to punish people assisting migrants in
distress at sea. Rescue efforts «should be welcomed and (...) never
lead to any form of sanctions», it says. MEPs also express regret
that even under the EU’s new asylum system, children applying
for international protection could be put in prison.
MEPs ask EU countries to protect freedom of religion or belief, including
the freedom of those without a religion not to suffer discrimination.
The resolution stresses the need to protect national minorities,
regional linguistic groups and constitutional regions at EU level
and set up a monitoring system modelled on the example of national Roma strategies. National minorities make up over 10% of
the EU population, says the resolution.
MEPs also urge national governments to invest more in policies
to integrate persons with disabilities in society by removing all
forms of discrimination and restrictions on their rights to vote
and stand for elections. Member states should also help them to
live independently.
34
35
Europe
The problem of non-citizens in Europe
Elizabete Krivcova
Latvia: the tug-of-war
between citizens and
non-citizens
Europe
as discussed at the Press Club Brussels Europe
Effectively classed as «stateless», they cannot vote to the European elections in May. They will also be denied the right to vote in
Latvia´s parliamentary elections in October.
It is not just voting rights they are denied - they also cannot freely
buy land, face restrictions to use their own language and are banned from holding numerous jobs.
In a bid to address the issue, the non-citizen´s congress was set
up in 2012 and comprises 30 representatives, some of whom, like
Elzabete Krivcova, have gone through the naturalisation process.
The creation of the «parliament of unrepresented» had the backing of some 15,000 Latvian residents.
Krivcova, head of the congress, said non-citizens «do not have any sense
of belonging to a society that considers them as 2nd class citizens.»
The congress, launched just over a year ago, has highlighted the
plight of Latvia´s non-citizens in a letter to the Commission president Jose Manuel Barroso who has been asked to inject fresh
impetus to the long-running saga.
Krivcova says, «2013 was the Year of Citizens and that this year will
see the European elections where 300,000 Latvian non-citizens
will have no opportunity to vote and consequently to take part in
a common future of Europe.»
The creation of the «parliament of unrepresented» had the backing of some 15,000 Latvian residents and the appeal to the EU
comes just weeks after Latvia joined the eurozone. The country of
about 1.8m people will celebrate its 10th anniversary of EU membership in May and, in the 2nd half of the year, prepare for its six
months EU presidency starting on 1 January 2015.
Some 40 per cent of all minorities in Latvia are classed as non-citizens and, overall, about 14 per cent of the country´s total population falls into this category.
In Riga - the European Capital of Culture for 2014 - the figure
is even higher with an estimated one out of five of its residents
being non-citizen.
Ironically, anyone else moving to Latvia from an EU member state
is allowed to vote in elections there after three months. After five
years residency, they can also apply for Latvian citizenship.
???
The EU is being urged to intervene to tackle the blight of Latvia´s
non-citizens or «aliens.» There are over 300,000 Latvians who are
unable to vote in their own country.
The reason is that the mostly Russian-speaking citizens, who are classed
as a minority group, have not undergone a naturalisation process.
In Italy the second generation of immigrants face a similar
situation. Even though they are not «stateless», they are actually considered non-citizens in their own nation. They live
under the constant threat of been sent «back» to a country
(that of one of their parents) that they do not consider their
homeland. Often they cannot even could speak its language
since it is a place where they have never lived.
Non-citizens, by contrast, are unable to get work in some 30 professions.
Critics of the current arrangement say that denying people who
are born and raised in their own country - and pay taxes - is in
flagrant breach of EU and international human rights legislation.
Another congress member, Valery Komarov, has passed the naturalisation process but is determined to champion the right of his fellow
Latvians, many of them older people, who do not enjoy such statutes.
In Germany, non-citizenship is linked to immigration and
refugee status. On the 3rd September 2013 non-citizens
marched in Munich calling upon the German Trade Union
Association for political support.
These are a few examples of a problem prevalent all over
Europe. It is a complex issue because it cannot be solved by
a simple, single political action, but needs different answers
in different countries. However, what is becoming extremely
evident is that Europe has to put its own house in order to
export more convincingly its values to the rest of the world.
He declared, «The UN, Council of Europe, OECD and EU have all
issued recommendations to the Latvian authorities to allow noncitizens to participate in elections or to accelerate naturalisation.
There was some progress when Latvia joined NATO and the EU
but afterwards the recommendations were mainly ignored.»
A Latvian foreign affairs spokesman said, «Latvia has achieved
remarkable progress in the promotion of naturalisation process,
reducing the number of non-citizens from 29 % (730,000) in 1995
to 13.3 % in July 2013.
«Since the beginning of naturalisation process in 1 February 1995
to 30 September 2013, a total of 141,165 persons have acquired
the citizenship of Latvia,including 14,264 children.
«The share of non-citizen children in the total number of newborn children keeps decreasing and, currently, only 2.68 % of all
children are non-citizens.»
The spokesman added, «Dual citizenship with Russia can be retained by the citizens of Latvia who have been granted citizenship on
the basis of one of the two conditions: being a Latvian exile or an
ethnic Latvian. Other citizens of Latvia are not allowed to retain
dual citizenship with Russia.»
Martin Banks
teless» and they have an «Alien’s» passport. We can find the
same problem in Estonia.
Carlo Peano
The United Nations defines as non-citizen «any individual
who is not a national of a State in which he or she is present». This issue is usually linked to a lack of civil rights, such
as the right to vote and work in public entities, and brings
intolerable problems in a democratic country by dividing its
society in two groups: first and second class citizens.
The best known case of non-citizens in the European Union
is Latvia, where some 40 per cent of all its minorities are
classed as non-citizens and, overall, about 14 per cent of the
country´s total population falls into this category – 300,000
Latvians. They cannot vote and freely buy land. They face
restrictions to use their own language, are unable to get
work in some 30 professions and usually receive a lower
pension than others. They are effectively classified as «sta-
36
37
Europe
Europe
Palestine :
la trahison européenne
Le message du
Sommet Défense
Députée européenne depuis 2001, la belge Véronique de Keyser a été un témoin privilégié de la politique européenne sur
le conflit israélo-palestinien. Son ouvrage Palestine: une trahison européenne, co-signé par Stéphane Hessel, se veut une
réflexion sur le comment, le pourquoi, les mécanismes, qui
ont mené à la situation actuelle. Véronique De Keyser nous
parle de l’Union européenne qui « n’a pas été à la hauteur
de son statut de défenseur de la démocratie et des attentes
du peuple palestinien » et de « l’ultime chance d’obtenir un
accord de paix dans les conditions et le format traditionnel ».
A défaut d’être spectaculaire, la réunion au sommet des Chefs
d’État et de gouvernement en décembre, consacrée à la Défense,
a été l’occasion d’évolutions (ou de révolutions) silencieuses.
La défense : une question importante
« La défense est une question importante » ont souligné
les 28 Chefs d’Etat. Et il y a trois défis principaux. Premièrement, « l’environnement stratégique et géopolitique de
l’Europe évolue rapidement ». Deuxièmement, « les budgets consacrés à la défense en Europe sont limités, ce qui a
pour effet de restreindre la capacité à développer, déployer
et maintenir des capacités militaires ». Troisièmement, « la
fragmentation des marchés européens de la défense nuit à
la pérennité et à la compétitivité de l’industrie européenne
de la sécurité et de la défense ».
Faire mieux avec moins
Les « 28 » ne cachent cependant plus leur « misère ». Les
budgets contraints obligent à plus de réalisme et à faire
mieux avec moins. Cette maxime, répétée par les responsables européens au plus haut niveau (notamment la Haute
représentante Catherine Ashton) a mis du temps à « percer »
dans les Etats membres. Les pays ont d’abord cherché des
« petites solutions » pour faire face à la baisse des budgets,
avec économies à la clé et licenciements. Aujourd’hui, alors
qu’un nouveau tour de vis budgétaire est nécessaire, la
solution européenne devrait resurgir. C’est en cela, aussi,
que le Sommet de la Défense est important : faire prendre
conscience que chacun tout seul ne peut plus peser dans
le monde, et même en Europe, alors que de nouvelles menaces se font sentir.
Combler les insuffisances critiques
Les notions « d’autonomie stratégique » comme de « sécurité d’approvisionnement » trouvent ainsi une certaine place
dans ce texte surtout quand on parle de questions industrielles. Des mots classiques et usuels dans certains pays (en
Belgique et en France notamment) ou au sein du Parlement
européen, mais pas automatiquement partagés, par tous,
de prime abord. Les «28» se veulent ainsi « déterminés » à «
assurer la disponibilité des capacités essentielles », d’autre
part, et surtout, « combler des insuffisances critiques » grâce
à des « projets concrets » élaborés « par les États membres
avec l’appui de l’Agence européenne de défense ». Quatre
projets capacitaires et industriels de taille sont ainsi ciblés :
les drones – avec notamment le projet de concevoir un
Vous utilisez le mot «Trahison» sur le rôle des institutions européennes depuis 2006 envers les Palestiniens. Vous parlez d’échec du Parlement européen
dans la négociation de l’accord avec Israël (l’ACAA).
L’Europe n’a donc rien fait ?
V. de K. - La négociation de l’ACAA (Agreement on Conformity Assessment and Acceptance of industrial products) a
été une grande bataille. Mais nous avons failli. C’est une
grosse trahison du Parlement européen. Les autres «trahisons» venaient du Conseil (Etats membres) en général,
du suivisme vis-à-vis des politiques américaines qui étaient
celles de Bush, à l’époque. Après l’accord ACAA, j’ai cru que
nous avions perdu toute option d’exercer une pression économique. Hors, le texte exclut clairement les produits des
colonies. Le résultat est que nous ne pouvons pas financer,
soutenir, donner de contrats à des firmes, institutions travaillant dans les colonies. Si demain, on ouvre l’accord ACAA
aux produits cosmétiques, alors ça aura beaucoup d’importance car ces entreprises se trouvent dans les colonies. Cela
a fait l’effet d’une bombe, et marque une inflexion dans la
politique de l’Union européenne qui, pour la première fois,
a un moyen d’influence sur la politique israélienne.
Quelle est votre analyse de la situation actuelle ?
V. de K. - Je pense que nous sommes à un tournant historique. Nous sommes à la fin d’un cycle. On est à un moment
de transition où la région est dans un état épouvantable
mais aussi les positions, notamment de l’UE vis-à-vis de Israël, sont plus fermes, en tout cas sur la question des colonisations. On a senti une pression beaucoup plus importante
que durant les dernières décennies.
Véronique De Keyser, députée européenne
Vous croyez à une solution politique?
V. de K. - Je refuse de croire qu’il n’y a pas d’espoir. Stéphane
le refusait aussi. Ce qui est intéressant est le sentiment partagé, par analystes et négociateurs, que nous sommes dans
l’ultime chance d’obtenir un accord de paix dans les conditions et le format traditionnel qu’il a aujourd’hui.
Que peuvent faire les Palestiniens ? Comment voyezvous leur réaction, leur évolution possible ?
V. de K. - Deux choses peuvent se passer. Ou bien cette
séparation est renforcée (c’est le plan de séparation de
Liberman) ou bien, comme on le voit, les jeunes Palestiniens se regroupent et font des opérations extraordinaires
avec leurs tentes des indignés. Ils veulent la souveraineté
du peuple palestinien, où qu’il soit, et le respect de leurs
droits. Ils critiquent l’enfermement dans la dynamique des
territoires. Ils veulent se battre, mais comment ? Abbas a
très peur d’une révolte populaire, d’une troisième intifada,
qui serait un désastre pour le peuple palestinien.
Qu’attendez-vous de l’Union européenne maintenant?
V. de K. - Stéphane (Hessel) le disait à juste titre : si nous ne
sommes pas le relais de ces jeunes-là, on va les conduire à un
massacre. On ne peut plus le tolérer. D’autant que nous ne pouvons continuer d’envoyer de l’argent à fond perdus. Il faut une
véritable solution. (…) Il y a déjà des choses qui changent aujourd’hui en Europe. L’Allemagne qui est un grand acteur, et qui
bloquait très souvent sur le dossier, évolue. Elle n’accepte pas la
colonisation à marche forcée. La question des colonies va revenir
sur la table. Il pourrait y avoir des changements significatifs.
Leonor Hubaut (B2)
« Palestine, la trahison européenne », Stéphane Hessel et
Véronique De Keyser (Editions Fayard, novembre 2013,
280 p., 18 euros)
drone européen de surveillance -, le ravitaillement en vol –
une lacune perpétuelle des Européens depuis 15 ans —, les
télécommunications par satellite et le cyberespace — deux
notions vitales dans la « guerre moderne ».
Une meilleure planification de défense
Les « 28 » veulent aller plus loin en facilitant « la transparence
et le partage d’informations dans le domaine de la planification de la défense ». Ce qui permettra aux responsables de
la planification et de la prise de décisions au niveau national « d’envisager une plus grande convergence des besoins
capacitaires et des calendriers ».
Pour favoriser la coopération, le Conseil européen préconise « de nouvelles mesures incitatives et approches novatrices en faveur de la coopération », y compris « des mesures
fiscales » sous deux conditions : qu’elles ne créent « pas de
distorsions sur le marché » et qu’elles soient « en conformité avec la législation européenne existante ».
Sensibiliser
Enfin, il y a un effort de sensibilisation des citoyens européens. Le renforcement de la « sécurité des citoyens » est
ainsi décrit comme un des objectifs de la PSDC. Ce qui est
relativement audacieux mais peut être important en matière
de sensibilisation publique. On peut cependant regretter
une certaine confusion entre certains points : partir de la
notion de rôle de l’Union européenne dans la paix dans le
monde pour arriver à la contribution de l’industrie de défense à l’emploi et à la croissance économique, ne relèvent
pas tout à fait des mêmes objectifs.
Nicolas Gros-Verheyde
B2 www.bruxelles2.eu
avec Loreline Merelle et Leonor Hubaut
38
39
Europe
Europe
L’Europe hisse le drapeau serbe :
Историјски дан
nistre dit que nous serons prêt en 2018, mais (…) ce sera
à vous Européens de savoir si vous êtes prêts à accepter la
Serbie en 2020 » prévient le Premier ministre dans un sourire
glacial. Car c’est l’objectif que se sont donnés les Serbes. Etre
présent au début de la prochaine décennie…
« Je suis persuadé que le drapeau serbe restera parmi les drapeaux européens ». Aleksandar Vucic, Vice-Premier ministre
serbe, en est sûr. La première réunion sur les négociations
d’adhésion qui s’est tenue le 21 janvier est un signe. Pour ce
pays qui – il y a presque quinze ans – était encore en guerre
contre l’occident et l’Europe, le jour était « historique » ou
plutôt « Историјски ». Récit d’une journée peu ordinaire...
Jour J
istorijskij dan za Srbiju, istorijskij dan za EU*
Batiment Justus Lipsius. Le serbe est de rigueur dans les
couloirs européens : Stefan Füle, le commissaire à l’Elargissement se fend d’un : « dobar dan i dobro došli » en guise
de bienvenue ! Et le drapeau serbe est hissé bien haut. «
Très fier d’avoir vu flotter le drapeau serbe devant le bâtiment du Conseil » à l’arrivée de la délégation, le Vice-Premier ministre, Aleksandar Vucic en oublie même un détail :
le drapeau se trouve devant la Commission européenne aperçue sans doute lors de la visite de la délégation à son
Président, José Manuel Barroso au petit matin - et non au
Conseil comme le serbe l’entend ! C’est vrai, la Serbie a
quelques années pour connaître, en détail, tout le « who’s
who » des bâtiments situés autour du rond-point Schuman.
L’humour à double tranchant d’Ivica Dacic
Conférence de presse. Souriant, devant un mur d’images, de
drapeaux serbes et européens, le Premier ministre Serbe Ivica
Dacic plaisante. « Je suis désolé de ne pas avoir pu signer un
accord aujourd’hui, car j’aurais pu mettre mon stylo dans un
musée ». Mais, l’humour serbe a des limites…et il s’arrête
aux questions d’adhésion:« Certains sourient lorsqu’un mi*
Nos amis les Grecs au déjeuner
Mission diplomatique de la Serbie. Située boulevard du Régent, à deux pas des ambassades russe et française, la mission Serbe reçoit. On y aperçoit, entre autres, le ministre
grec des Affaires étrangères Evangelos Venizelos qui assume
la présidence de l’UE ce semestre. La relation gréco-serbe
est particulièrement soignée. Sous présidence hellénique,
la Serbie est « entre de bonnes mains » affirme Ivica Dacic.
Quant à Evangelos Venizelos, il a lui « toute confiance en la
Serbie pour relever tous les défis et rejoindre l’Union européenne comme un pays à part entière ». L’entente entre la
Grèce et la Serbie est bien réelle et historique : la Grèce fait
d’ailleurs partie des cinq pays qui ne reconnaissent pas le
Kosovo – ne serait-ce que par solidarité orthodoxe. Tant et
si bien que le Premier ministre serbe se lâche et parle des
Grecs comme de « frères » en salle de presse, un terme que
n’apprécie pas l’intéressé, qui lui rappelle son statut de «
président du Conseil de l’Union européenne ». Recadrage
fait, bon appétit!
Après l’effort, le réconfort?
Retour au Justus Lipsius. Si la journée touche à sa fin pour
les dignitaires serbes, du chemin reste encore à parcourir. Le
Premier-ministre serbe se veut résolument conciliant, notamment envers Pristina. « C’est mon 29ème voyage à Bruxelles,
vingt de ces réunions ont porté sur le dialogue avec Pristina.
Nous souhaitons approfondir ce dialogue. C’est ainsi que
nous pourrons résoudre les problèmes qui se posent dans
la région » La Serbie sera t-elle toujours aussi conciliante
dans quelques années, quand ce sera au tour du drapeau du
Kosovo d’être hissé devant la Commission? Les paris sont
ouverts…
Loreline Merelle
B2 www.bruxelles2.eu
« C’est un jour historique pour la Serbie mais aussi pour l’Europe » déclare en serbe le commissaire à l’Elargissement, Stefan Füle
à la conférence de presse mardi 21 janvier.
Europe should
not forget heating
and cooling
Of late, EU leaders have turned some of their attention to
energy. But EU discussion still needs to take account of our
basic needs of heating and cooling.
Most heads of state and government welcome current discussions on what greenhouse gas emissions target the EU
should strive for in 2030. Whatever they decide in outline at
EU level, it looks as if the flexibility to be given to the final
legislation will make it possible for most leaders to claim
some form of victory. After all, fighting climate change is
important for politicians even in election years.
Key points in the current discussion have been framed by the European Commission. They are a 40 % greenhouse gas emissions
reduction target for 2030 and a minimally binding goal of 27%
renewables by the same time. But the commission is not proposing a mandatory target for reducing energy consumption. Here,
members of the European Parliament have repeatedly called for
a 40% reduction in energy consumption by 2030.
The lack of clear proposals on heating and cooling is another glaring hole. «Europe’s long-term climate and energy policies cannot be entirely convincing as long as they fail to properly address
the question of heating and cooling,» says Euroheat managing
director Paul Voss. He points to the fact that heating and cooling
represent some 45% of final energy consumption in the EU. That
compares to 20% for electricity and 26% for transport. In short, if
you want to tackle emissions or cut the EU’s fuel import bill then
you have to look at heating and cooling.
Euroheat represents key technologies in the sector of district heating and cooling and combined heat and power in
Europe. The technologies capture energy that would normally be wasted and turn it into heating or cooling.
Voss likens the commission’s proposals for 2030 climate and
energy goals to trying to build a car but forgetting about the
engine. «If we are serious about the energy transition, we will
need a thoughtful approach that recognises heating and cooling as integral elements of the energy system.» These two
key elements must be used to optimise overall performance.
Voss is calling for the EU to go beyond the vague assumption that
using more and more electricity, also to heat and cool buildings,
will help reduce emissions. He calls for active and deliberate policy decisions as to how best to meet our basic human needs in the
most cost-effective and sustainable manner possible.
«Alternatives do exist. In cities, where demand is most dense,
district heating and cooling networks are a proven solution.
Caption photo Paul Voss - Euroheat managing director Paul Voss: «Europe’s long-term climate and energy policies cannot be entirely convincing if they fail to properly address heating and cooling.»
In more rural areas, other options may be a better fit. The
point is, a wide range of effective solutions are available,» says
Voss. The argument is that just focusing on a single target for
reducing emissions will lead to policy distortions and missed
opportunities. This will marginalise heating and cooling.
Another key argument is the cost of wrong choices. The economic and financial crisis has deeply affected the capacity of
member states to invest in their societies. At the same time,
fossil fuel prices remain high. The commission calculates
the EU’s oil and gas import bill at more than €400 billion in
2012. This is approximately 3.1% of the EU’s GDP. Solving
the heating and cooling conundrum would help countries
go very far in reducing that bill.
So far, it often seems as if only the European Parliament is
listening to those arguments. Recently, the European Parliament once again recognised the importance of heating and
cooling. This was when voting a report on the 2030 climate
and energy policy framework. Parliament had twice before
called on the Commission to stop narrowly focusing on electricity and include heating and cooling in its policy strategy.
European leaders, too, have to debate the future of heating
and cooling and their role in the broader energy system.
It often seems difficult for them to focus their minds on
something so mundane as heating and cooling. This lack
of focus by EU leaders and the commission seems to have
recently prompted the International Energy Agency to note
that Heating and cooling remain neglected areas of energy
policy and technology. «But their decarbonisation is a fundamental element towards a low carbon economy,» noted
the International Energy Agency.
Dafydd ab Iago
40
Europe
Europe
42
43
Art and culture
Art et culture
Culture
Nautilus, an exhibition
for the Hellenic presidency
Culture
“The year of the Mediterranean”
Italy-Greece ties: an exhibition in Rome
as El Greco’s “St. Peter” from the
National Gallery.
The exhibition is intended to
celebrate the Greek Presidency
of the EU Council in the first
half of 2014, and its successor,
the Italian Presidency during the
second half of the year, dubbed
“Year of the Mediterranean” by
the two presidencies. The exhibition will run until July 15 in
Rome, and will then be transferred to the National Archaeological Museum in Athens
The sea is the underlining theme of the Hellenic presidency of the EU. It appears in the Presidency logo and it
emerges in “Nautilus”, a highly evocative exhibition that has
launched the six months of Greece at the helm of the EU
at the Bozar Palace in Brussels. “Nautilus” is a mariner, but
also a small octopus dwelling in a spiral shaped shell known
as the Mediterranean argonaut, and a vase shaped like a
shell in an exchange between real life and myth.
The works areexhibited in an evocative and rarefied atmosphere,
white-washed walls and gauze curtains, beams of laser lights
dancing around the visitors while the sound of waves lapping
the shores becomes music whirling round statues and bronzes,
ancient vases and photos of Greeks, making merry or emigrating,
fishing or navigating. Ancient and modern Greece become thus
intertwined, in a continuous flowing of images and symbols.
The exhibition has seven sections from ancient Greece to
the modern European present: genesis, ecology, mobility,
migration, hegemony, oecumene and faith. The routes of
the Minoan people that linked Europe, Africa and Asia are
illustrated through objects from 40 museums that in some
cases have been exhibited for the first time. All of them have
a marine connection, becoming symbols not only of a glorious past but also the strenghthening of democratic rules,
the creation of city states, the domination of the sea in that
crossroad of civilizations that is the Mediterranean.
Emigration occupies a considerable part of the exhibition, starting
from the eighth century BC when colonisation created suitable
economic political and social circumstances for the strenghthening of the city state up to modern times when the Mediterranean continues to be a crossroads for emigration, with Greece a
country of migrants who take to the sea in search of a better life.
The final section, faith, sees religiousity mixed with the sea.
Statues of bronze gods, Poseidon and Aphrodites, fished from
the sea, seem to dance in the hall ending on a panel where
images of waves crashing on rocks provide the sound effect in a
rarefied atmosphere of peace and awe. The prayers written on
the rocks of refuges by mariners who took shelter there during
storms conclude this travel through history and art with a final
peaceful sound of sea waves dappled with light beams.
MLF
An exhibition celebrating ancient ties between Greece and
Italy, and their legacy to European culture and unity, has
opened on March 28 at Rome’s Presidential Quirinale Palace. The exhibition, «Classicism and Europe: The European
destiny of Greece and Italy” illustrates the significance of
the Greek and the Roman world in shaping European civilization and Europe’s contemporary cultural identity.
Another exhibition in Brussels
for the Hellenic Presidency
The exhibition features twenty-five masterpieces from
Greece’s and Italy’s major museums, which will be displayed at Quirinale’s Hall of Ramps and Halls of Flags. Eleven of these works come from Greek museum collections
and are representative of Greek art from the prehistoric
period to the 20th century.
The Greek exhibits include some iconic works from the
country’s most important museums: the relief of «Thinking
Athena’ from the Acropolis (460 BC - Acropolis Museum) a
Linear B clay tablet from Pylos (late 13th century - National
Archaeological Museum), two Cycladic figurines from Naxos
(3000 BC – National Archaeological Museum), a rhyton shaped bullhead from the palace of Zakros (Minoan period- Archaeological Museum of Heraklion). The collection further
includes Greek paintings, such as the 12th century “Our Lady
of Mercy” from the Byzantine and Christian Museum, as well
NO COUNTRY FOR YOUNG MEN
Contemporary Greek Art in times of crisis
Cette exposition réunit des œuvres de 30 artistes grecs
contemporains qui travaillent autour de l’impact de la crise
sur le pays. Leur œuvre dépasse l’actualité politique et économique et jette un regard nuancé sur ce qui se passe aujourd’hui en Grèce. Non seulement les effets négatifs de la
crise sont mis en image, mais aussi les opportunités qu’elle
offre de réinventer le pays.
44
Art and culture
Art et culture
Culture
A Taste of Molecules
Diane Fresquez, “A Taste of Molecules: In Search
of the Secrets of Flavour,” Women Writing
Science series, The Feminist Press, New York
A cookery book with the word “molecules” in it? No way!
This is what I thought when I met Diane Fresquez, an American journalist living in Brussels, as she told me about her
new popular science book, “A Taste of Molecules: In Search
of the Secrets of Flavour.”
But after reading it, I changed my mind. The book is gripping! Through the pages you follow Diane’s “search” for flavours and meet the individuals who help her in this quest.
The “chance” encounters become somehow linked together,
one person leads to another, and in the end you find yourself
in the middle of a narrative -- the story of how new flavours
are developed, how flavour gets into food in the first place,
and how important flavour is to our memories of home. You
follow the characters that Diane introduces to the reader
sharing the same attention and curiosity that she must have
experienced when she first met them, wishing them success
in their search for the “perfect” taste. Take for example the
story of Xavier Rennotte, a Brussels beekeeper and chef who,
with the help of a scientist at the University of Louvain, tries to
develop the perfect “mead,” or honey-wine, the drink of the
gods celebrated by the ancient Greeks.
But the book is not mythology: it describes the reality of
today’s food industry, where the perfect flavour is the result
of painstaking and accurate research in laboratories, breweries and universities so as to make the food appetising. The
example of a project developed by the University of Makerere in Uganda together with the UN Food Programme is
revealing. One of the researchers told Diane that they had
managed to develop a special biscuit crammed with nutritional proteins to feed malnourished children in the area. The
scientists tried it and it tasted ok. But for the children the taste
was not right. Although hungry, they would not eat the biscuits because they did not like the taste. For the Norwegian
researcher involved in the study, this was such a revealing
experience that she went on to become a sensory scientist!
The link between taste and memory is a recurring theme
in the book and sure enough a recipe for Madeleines, the
ones that made Marcel Proust “relive” memories of the past,
is included in the book’s recipe section.
Fresquez, a journalist who has worked for The Wall Street
Journal, is herself a keen cook who likes to experiment and
try new flavour combinations. In the book, she goes on a
“journey of the senses” through Belgium, the Netherlands,
the UK and Denmark, experiencing different tastes of foods
and beers — and trying, herself, with flasks of chemicals and
pipettes to create a banana flavour in a Dutch laboratory.
The idea for the book came from a call for proposals for a new series, “Women Writing Science” meant to encourage young women
(but also men) to study science. Diane has always been interested
in food and science — and once wrote an entertaining, pseudoscientific article for the Journal’s weekend section based on a potluck dinner she hosted in her home to explore European aphrodisiacs — and went on to write this book, which, she insists, “is not
a dry, scientific text. It’s an entertaining blend of European food
heritage and recipes, family memoires (she cherishes the recipes
of her mother), and humour, with a gentle helping of science” –
including the fact that the pH scale, that iconic scientific tool, was
developed at the Carlsberg Brewery in Copenhagen in 1909. She
also encourages you to sit down and eat with your family, which
in the US and other countries is becoming an almost obsolete
custom. The overall point of the book is that the image of science
should change and that it can and should be more interesting and
assessable to the general public -- like research by a Danish PhD
student (nursing her own new-born when Diane met her) who had
studied a group of breast-feeding women to help her in establishing
“how flavour molecules travel through the digestive systems of lactating mothers and into their breast milk, and may aid weaning.”
The results showed that the absorption level of the different flavour
compounds was variable: in some cases the flavours were detected
in the milk, in others they never appeared.
And the mead? Well Xavier, the bee-keeper, recently gave his
first public tasting of his new mead with Diane at “La Foire
du Livre”— and this elusive nectar of the gods will soon be
available in shops in Brussels.
To read the first chapter, and for details of the book launch/tasting April 3 at the Press Club, please visit www.tasteofmolecules.
com. Or contact Diane at tasteofmolecules@gmail.com
Maria Laura Franciosi
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Art and culture
Art et culture
48
49
Art and culture
Art et culture
Need to RENT, to BUY or to SELL
a home in Brussels ?
Les lieux europeens
La place Flagey
Immobilier Immobiliën Real Estate
La place Flagey autrefois appelée place Sainte Croix se
trouve sur la commune d’Ixelles. Au fils des années, elle est
devenue un des centres culturels de la capitale. La place
a été réaménagée récemment dans un décor moderne et
de grande sobriété, des jets d’eau agrémentent une partie
de la place. Des étangs, une église, et le fameux bâtiment
Flagey appelé “le paquebot” pour son architecture en forme
de proue. Ce bâtiment abrita, dès les années 60, le siège de
la radio télévision belge (RTB), ses studios, son orchestre
philarmonique. A l’époque il n’y avait qu’une seule chaîne
pour chaque communauté (francophone et flamande) c’est
vous dire que le taux d’audience était alors inexistant dans
le vocabulaire audiovisuel. Les journalistes, animateurs,
speakerines étaient des vedettes ....
Qui ne se souvient de Luc Varenne, célèbre commentateur
sportif radio, il avait inventé l’image radiophonique par ses
descriptions, parfois inventées, des performances sportives. On mettait l’image de la télévision et le son de la radio
pour l’écouter. Dans les années 80 la radio et la télévision
déménagea de Flagey au Boulevard Reyers, le paquebot fut
abandonné et resta vide de nombreuses années, le quartier
déclina ... s’ensuivit des spéculations autour du bâtiment
Flagey. Le bâtiment a retrouvé sa vitalité avec une vocation
culturelle, Ecole d’architecture Horta, salles de concerts, à
son rez-de-chaussée le fameux Café Belga.
www.immovox.be
Flagey se veut maintenant le point de rencontre et carrefour où différentes disciplines artistiques se croisent. C’est
un quartier multiculturel où de nombreuses communautés
sont représentées.
D’un côte de la place, le quartier populaire où la communauté portugaise est majoritairement présente avec ses cafés et ses restaurants, de l’autre le long des étangs d’Ixelles
un quartier bourgeois avec ses maisons cossues où vivent
beaucoup d’expatriés français qui y trouvent une situation
fiscale plus favorable que dans leurs pays d’origine.
Mais oui, il y a aussi une friterie...
Bruno Mariani
Nicest Selection, Biggest Choice !
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